The Thirty-Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1859 (Manchester: Cave & Sever, 1860), 18, 19, 22, 23, 33, 34, 38, 39, 45.

“Liverpool. By Order of the Liverpool Cotton Association Ltd., Catalogue of the Valuable Club Furnishings etc. to be Sold by Auction by Marsh Lyons & Cº, Tuesday, 17th December 1963,” Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool, UK.

I. E. Horn, La crise cotonniere et les textiles indigenes (Paris: Dentu, 1863), 6.

“Monthly Economic Letter: U.S. and Global Market Fundamentals,” Cotton Incorporated, доступ 23 января 2013 г., http://www.cottoninc.com/corporate/Mar-ket-Data/MonthlyEconomicLetter/; “The Fabric of Our Lives,” http://www.thefabricofourlives.com/.

По сведениям “Fast Facts… About American Wool,” American Sheep Industry Association от 10 марта 2013 г., http://www.sheepusa.org/get_file/file_id/5ab52656e6d6e32821aa9f177bf05876, средний вес овечьей шерсти (с одной овцы в год) в США составляет 7,3 фунта. Общий вес мирового урожая хлопка был разделен на это число для определения количества овец, которые смогли бы произвести такое же по весу количество шерсти. Government of South Australia, “Grazing livestock— a sustainable and productive approach,” Adelaide & Mt Lofty Ranges Natural Resource Management Board, доступ 10 марта 2013 г., www.amlrnrm.sa.gov.au/Portals/2/landholders_info/grazing_web.pdf; “European Union,” CIA – The World Factbook, от 16 марта 2013 г., https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ee.html. В соответствии с первым источником принимается, что на одном гектаре может содержаться десять яловых овец, если для выпаса доступно двенадцать месяцев в году. Эти данные использовались для подсчета площади земли, необходимой для содержания семи миллиардов овец, а затем эта величина сравнивалась с площадью ЕС, по сведениям CIA World Factbook равной 4 324 782 км2.

Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P.Jackson, 1835), 5–6; см.: Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Кеннет Померанц, Великое расхождение. Китай, Европа и создание современной мировой экономики (Москва: Издательский дом “Дело”, 2017).

Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 1998); Джаред Даймонд, Ружья, микробы и сталь. Судьбы человеческих обществ (Москва: АСТ, 2009); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: W. W. Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Allen Lane, 2011); Ниал Фергюсон, Цивилизация. Чем Запад отличается от остального мира (Москва: АСТ, 2014); Robert Brenner, “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-Industrial Europe,” Past and Present, no. 70 (February 1976): 30–75; Robert Brenner, “The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism,” Past and Present, no. 97 (November 1982): 16–113; E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Pantheon, 1963).

Существует потрясающая литература о рабстве и капитализме, включая Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (New York: Russell & Russell, 1961); Rafael de Bivar Marquese, “As desventuras de um conceito: Capitalismo historico e a historiografia sobre escravidao brasileira,” Revista de Historia 169 (July/December 2013), 223–253; Philip McMichael, “Slavery in the Regime of Wage Labor: Beyond Paternalism in the U.S. Cotton Culture,” Social Concept 6 (1991): 10–28; Barbara L. Solow and Stanley L. Engerman, British Capitalism and Caribbean Slavery: The Legacy of Eric Williams (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978); Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

Cotton Supply Reporter, no. 37 (March 1, 1860): 33.

Andrew Ure, The Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain Systematically Investigated, and Illustrated by 150 Original Figures, vol. 1 (London: Charles Knight, 1836), 67–68.

Bruno Biedermann, “Die Versorgung der russischen Baumwollindustrie mit Baum-wolle eigener Produktion” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1907), 4; Edward Atkinson, Cotton: Articles from the New York Herald (Boston: Albert J. Wright, 1877), 4.

E.J. Donnell, Chronological and Statistical History of Cotton (New York: James Sutton & Cº, 1872), v.

По этому вопросу существует обширная литература, включая Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System, vol. 3, The Second Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730–1840s (San Diego, Academic Press: 1989); Иммануил Валлерстайн, Мир-система Модерна. Том III. Вторая эпоха великой экспансии капиталистического мира-экономики, 1730–1 840-е годы (Москва: Русский фонд содействия образованию и науке, 2016); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar: Martinique and the World Economy, 1830–1848 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); Andre Gun-der Frank, ReORIENT: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Abdoulaye Ly, La theorisation de la connexion capitaliste des continents (Dakar: IFAAN, 1994); John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, “The Imperialism of Free Trade,” Economic History Review, Second Series, 51 (1953): 1–15; Patrick Wolfe, “History and Imperialism: A Century of Theory,” American Historical Review 102 (April 1997): 388–420.

Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 530–531.

См., например, Gene Dattel, Cotton and Race in the Making ofAmerica: The Human Costs of Economic Power (Chicago: Ivan Dee, 2009); Morris de Camp Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924).

Литература по всемирной истории быстро множится. Однако это едва ли новое изобретение. Только вспомните такие работы, как: Abdoulaye Ly, La Compagnie du Senegal (Paris: Presence Africaine, 1958); Marc Bloch, “Toward a Comparative History of European Societies,” in Frederic Chapin Lane and Jelle C. Riemersma, eds., Enterprise and Secular Change: Readings in Economic History (Homewood, IL: R. D. Irwin, 1953); Williams, Capitalism and Slavery; C. L. R.James, The Black Jacobins (London: Secker & Warburg, 1938). См. также: C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004); Jurgen Osterhammel, The Transformation of the World: A Global History of the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2014). Обзоры литературы см.: в Sebastian Conrad, Globalgeschichte: Eine Einfuhrung (Munich: Beck, 2013); Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global Perspectives in Global History: Theories and Approaches in a Connected World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Sven Beckert and Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global History Globally (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press, in preparation); Bruce Mazlich and Ralph Buultjens, Conceptualizing Global History (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993); Jerry Bentley, “The Task of World History” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession); см. также: Robert C. Allen, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Роберт Аллен, Британская промышленная революция в глобальной картине мира (Москва: Издательство Института Гайдара, 2014); Jan Luiten van Zanden, The Long Road to Industrial Revolution: The European Economy in a Global Perspective, 1000–1800 (Amsterdam: Brill, 2009); блестящая работа, например, Patrick O’Brien, “European Economic Development: The Contribution of the Periphery,” Economic History Review, Second Series, 35 (February 1982): 1–18.

В последние годы было много исследований, посвященных товарам. См., например: Sydney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Viking, 1985); Mark Kurlansky, Salt: A World History (New York: Walker and Co., 2002); Марк Курлански, Всеобщая история соли (Москва: Колибри, 2007); Barbara Freese, Coal: A Human History (Cambridge, MA: Perseus, 2003); Pietra Rivoli, The Travels of a T-shirt in the Global Economy: An Economist Examines the Markets, Power and Politics of World Trade (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2005); Larry Zuckerman, The Potato: How the Humble Spud Rescued the Western World (Boston: Faber & Faber, 1998); Wolfgang Monninghoff, King Cotton: Kulturgeschichte der Baumwolle (Dusseldorf: Artemis & Winkler, 2006); Mark Kurlansky, Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed the World (New York: Walker & Cº, 1997); Allan Macfarlane and Gerry Martin, Glass: A World History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Stephen Yaffa, Big Cotton: How a Humble Fiber Created Fortunes, Wrecked Civilizations, and Put America on the Map (New York: Penguin, 2005); Erik Orsenna, Voyage aux pays du coton: Petit precis de mondialisation (Paris: Fayard, 2006); Iain Gateley, Tobacco: A Cultural History of How an Exotic Plant Seduced Civilization (New York: Grove, 2001); Heinrich Eduard Jacob, Kaffee: Die Biographie eines weltwirtschaftlichen Stoffes (Munich: Oekom Verlag, 2006). Прекрасное исследование «биографии вещей» можно найти в работе 1929 года: Sergej Tretjakow, “Die Biographie des Dings,” in Heiner Boehnke, ed., Die Arbeit des Schriftstellers (Reinbeck: Rowolt, 1972), 81–86; Сергей Третьяков, “Биография вещи”, в Н. Ф. Чужак (ред.), Литература факта: Первый сборник материалов работников ЛЕФа (Москва: Захаров, 2000); Jens Soentgen, “Geschichten uber Stoffe,” Arbeitsblaetter fur die Sachbuchforschun (October 2005): 1–25; Jennifer Bair, “Global Capitalism and Commodity Chains: Looking Back, Going Forward” Competition and Change 9 (June 2005): 153–80; Immanuel Wallerstein, Commodity Chains in the World-Economy, 1590–1790 (Binghamton, NY: Fernand Braudel Center, 2000). Хороший пример успешной корректировки экономической истории William Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1991). Хорошее описание обширной историографии промышленной революции можно найти в Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England; William J. Ashworth, “The Ghost of Rostow: Science, Culture and the British Industrial Revolution,” Historical Science 46 (2008): 249–74. Важность пространственных аспектов капитализма подчеркивается в David Harvey, Spaces of Capital: Towards a Critical Geography (New York: Routledge, 2001).

Хлопок, выращивавшийся в этих городах, вероятнее всего был G. hirsutum Palmeri, род хлопка, о котором известно, что он выращивался в местности, являющейся сейчас мексиканскими штатами Оахака и Герреро. Описание растения из C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 11; Angus Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2001), 263; Frances F. Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico: Production, Distribution and Uses,” Mexican Studies 3 (1987): 241ff.; Joseph B. Mount-joy, “Prehispanic Cultural Development Along the Southern Coast of West Mexico,” in Shirley Gorenstein, ed., Greater Mesoamerica: The Archeology of West and Northwest Mexico (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000), 106; Donald D. Brandt, “The Primitive and Modern Economy of the Middle Rio Balsas, Guerrero and Michoacan,” Eighth American Scientific Congress, Section 8, History and Geography (Washington, DC, 1940), Abstract; вес тюка хлопка в Мексике XVI века см.: Jose Rodriguez Vallejo, Ixcatl, el algodon mexicano (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1976), 64.

K. D. Hake and T. A. Kerby, “Cotton and the Environment,” Cotton Production Manual (UCANR Publications, 1996), 324–27; Frederick Wilkinson, The Story of the Cotton Plant (New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1899), 39.

Имеется (небольшое) несогласие между Gavin Wright, The Political Economy ofthe Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 14–5, и Jason Clay, World Agriculture and the Environment: A Commodity-by-Commodity Guide to Impacts and Practices (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2004), 284–87.

Ralf Kittler, Manfred Kaysar, and Mark Stoneking, “Molecular Evolution of Pedicu-lus humanus and the Origin of Clothing,” Current Biology 13 (August 19, 2003): 1414–15; о намного более ранних временах прядения и ткачества см.: Eli-so Kvabadze et al., “30,000 Year-Old Wild Flax Fibres,” Science 11 (September 2009): 1359.

Almut Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben: Entwicklung von Technik und Arbeit im Textil-gewerbe (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1981), 32, 31; см.: Kleidung, in Johannes Hoops, Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, vol. 16 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000), 603–25; Mary Schoeser, World Textiles: A Concise History (New York: Thames & Hudson World of Art, 2003), 20; Kleidung, in Max Ebert, ed., Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, vol. 6 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1926), 380–94; Harry Bates Brown, Cotton: History, Species, Varieties, Morphology, Breeding, Culture, Diseases, Marketing, and Uses (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938), 1.

См., например: T. W. Rhys Davids, trans., Vinaya Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885), 168; Georg Buehler, trans., The Sacred Laws of the Aryas (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1882), 165, 169, 170; Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in South India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 1, 57; Doran Ross, ed., Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African American Identity (Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1998), 77; Frank Goldtooth, как записано Stanley A. Fishler, In the Beginning: A Navaho Creation Myth (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1953), 16; Aileen O’Bryan, The Dine: Origin Myths of the Navaho Indians, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 163 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1956), 38; Francesca Bray, “Textile Production and Gender Roles in China, 1000–1700,” Chinese Science 12 (1995): 116; Anthony Winterbourne, When the Norns Have Spoken: Fate in Germanic Paganism (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2004), 96.

C. L. Brubaker et al., “The Origin and Domestication of Cotton,” in C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 4, 5–6, 12, 17, 22; Wafaa M. Amer and Osama A. Momtaz, “Historic Background of Egyptian Cotton (2600 BC— AD 1910),” Archives ofNatural History 26 (1999): 219.

Thomas Robson Hay and Hal R. Taylor, “Cotton,” in William Darrach Halsey and Emanuel Friedman, eds., Collier’s Encyclopedia, with Bibliography and Index (New York: Macmillan Educational Co., 1981), 387; A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, 4th ed., revised by J. R. Harris (London: Edward Arnold, 1962), 147; Richard H. Meadow, “The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Northwestern South Asia,” in David R. Harris, ed., The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia (London: UCL Press, 1996), 396; традиционное индийское описание этих классических занятий см.: S. V. Puntambekar and N. S. Varadachari, Hand-Spinning and Hand-Weaving: An Essay (Ahmedabad: All India Spinners’ Association, 1926), 1–9; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Cº, 1860), 1, 2–3; Brown, Cotton, 2; см. также: Herodotus, The Histories, ed. A. R. Burn, trans. Aubrey de Selincourt, rev. ed., Penguin Classics (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1972), 245; см. также: Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry ofIndia, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 15; J. Forbes Royle, On the Culture and Commerce of Cotton in India and Elsewhere: With an Account of the Experiments Made by the Hon. East India Company up to the Present Time (London: Smith, Elder & Cº, 1851), 116ff.

Brown, Cotton, 5; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 65–70; см.: Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Cotton Textiles in the Indian Subcontinent, 1200–1800,” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 23–25.

H. Wescher, “Die Baumwolle im Altertum,” in Ciba-Rundschau 45 (June 1940): 1635; Alwin Oppel, Die Baumwolle (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1902), 206–7; цит. по: Clinton G. Gilroy, The History of Silk, Cotton, Linen, Wool, and Other Fibrous Substances (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1845), 334; см.: Marco Polo, Travels of Marco Polo (Westminster, MD: Modern Library, 2001), 174; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 56, 58.

A. G. Hopkins, An Economic History of West Africa (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), 48; M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), 46; Amer and Momtaz, “Historic Background,” 212; Oppel, Die Baumwolle, 209; William H. Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru (Westminster, MD: Modern Library, 2000), 51, 108, 300.

Gilroy, History of Silk, 331–32; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 353; Barbara L. Stark, Lynette Heller, and Michael A. Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth: Mesoamerican Economic Change from the Perspective of Cotton in South-Central Veracruz,” Latin American Antiquity 9 (March 1978): 9, 25, 27; Crawford, Heritage, 32, 35; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 355; Barbara Ann Hall, “Spindle Whorls and Cotton Production at Middle Classic Matacapan and in the Gulf Lowlands,” in Barbara L. Stark and Philip J. Arnold III, eds., Olmec to Aztec: Settlement Patterns in the Ancient Gufl Lowlands (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997), 117, 133, 134.

Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, History of the Conquest of the Province of the Itza, 1st English edition, translated from the 2nd Spanish edition by Robert D. Wood (Culver City, CA: Labyrinthos, 1983), 197; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 235–36, 239; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 356; R. B. Handy, “History and General Statistics of Cotton,” in The Cotton Plant: Its History, Botany, Chemistry, Culture, Enemies, and Uses, prepared under the supervision of A. C. True, United States Department of Agriculture, Office of Experiment Stations, Bulletin 33 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1896), 63; United States, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, vol. 1 (Washington, DC: U.S. Dept. of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1975), Series K-550–563, “Hay, Cotton, Cottonseed, Shorn Wool, and Tobacco – Acreage, Production, and Price: 1790 to 1970,” 518; Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 118; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 238; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 14, 29.

Brown, Cotton, 14; Kate Peck Kent, Prehistoric Textiles of the Southwest (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1983), 9, 27, 28, 29; цит. по: Ward Alan Minge, “Effectos del Pais: A History of Weaving Along the Rio Grande,” in Nora Fisher, ed., Rio Grande Textiles (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1994), 6; Kate Peck Kent, Pueblo Indian Textiles: A Living Tradition (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1983), 26; Crawford, Heritage, 37; David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change Since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 65, 89, 174; Mann, Cotton Trade, 4; Christopher Columbus, November 4, 1492, The Diario of Christopher Columbus’sfirst voyage to America: 1492–1493, abstracted by Fray Bartolome de las Casas, transcribed and translated into English, with notes and a concordance of the Spanish, by Oliver Dunn and James E. Kelley Jr. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 131–35; см.: записи за 16 октября, 3 ноября и 5 ноября 1492 г., 85–91, 131, 135.

Pliny the Elder, The Natural History ofPliny, vol. 4, trans. John Bostock and H. T. Riley (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1856), 134–35; Mann, Cotton Trade, 3. Christopher Ehret, The Civilizations of Africa: A History to 1800 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002), 67–68; Ross, Wrapped in Pride, 75; Lars Sundstrom, The Trade of Guinea (Lund: Hakan Ohlssons Boktryckeri, 1965), 148; F. L. Griffith and G. M. Crowfoot, “On the Early Use of Cotton in the Nile Valley,” Journal of Egyptian Archeology 20 (1934): 7; Amer and Momtaz, “Historic Background,” 212, 214, 215, 217.

M. Kouame Aka, “Production et circulation des cotonnades en Afrique de l’Ouest du XIeme siecle a la fin de la conquette coloniale (1921)” (PhD dissertation, Universite de Cocody-Abidjan, 2013), 18, 41; Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History ofAfrica and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 176, 195, 201; Venice Lamb and Judy Holmes, Nigerian Weaving (Roxford: H. A. & V. M. Lamb, 1980), 15, 16; Marion Johnson, “Cloth Strips and History,” West African Journal of Archaeology 7 (1977): 169; Philip D. Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975), 48; Marion Johnson, “Cloth as Money: The Cloth Strip Currencies of Africa,” in Dale Idiens and K. G. Pointing, Textiles ofAfrica (Bath: Pasold Research Fund, 1980), 201. В юго-восточной Африке также имелось производство хлопкового текстиля. Patricia Davison and Patrick Harries, “Cotton Weaving in South-east Africa: Its History and Technology,” in Idiens and Pointing, Textiles ofAfrica, 177, 179, 180; Marie Philiponeau, Le coton et l’Islam: Fil d’une histoire africaine (Algiers: Casbah Editions, 2009), 15, 17; Ross, Wrapped in Pride, 75; Rita Bolland, Tellem Textiles: Archaeological Findsfrom Burial Caves in Mali’s Bandiagara Cliff(Leiden: Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, 1991); Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa and of the Notable Things Therein Contained, Done in the English in the Year 1600 by John Pory, vol. 3 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1896), 823, 824.

Информацию о многообразии происхождения хлопка и его окультуривании см.: Meadow, “Origins,” 397.

Brown, Cotton, 8; Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 11, 15, 17–18; Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials, 148; Hartmut Schmoekel, Ur, Assur und Babylon: Drei Jahrtausende im Zweistromland (Stuttgart: Gustav Klipper Verlag, 1958), 131; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 27; Richard W. Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels in Early Islamic Iran: A Moment in World History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 1, 8, 46; Marco Polo, Travels, 22, 26, 36, 54, 58, 59, 60, 174, 247, 253, 255.

Chao Kuo-Chun, Agrarian Policy of the Chinese Communist Party, 1921–1959 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1977), 5, 8ff.

Craig Dietrich, “Cotton Culture and Manufacture in Early Ch’ing China,” in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972), 111ff.; Mi Chu Wiens, “Cotton Textile Production and Rural Social Transformation in Early Modern China,” Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong 7 (December 1974): 516, 517ff., 519; Frederick W. Mote and Denis Twitchett, eds., The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 7, The Ming Dynasty, 1368–1644, part 1 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 256, 507; Kenneth Pomeranz, “Beyond the East-West Binary: Resituating Development Paths in the Eighteenth-Century World,” Journal of Asian Studies 61 (May 2002): 569; United States, Historical Statistics, 518.

Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680, vol. 1, The Lands Below the Winds (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988), 90; Crawford, Heritage, 7; William B. Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Kinai Cotton Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 117–20; Mikio Sumiya and Koji Taira, eds., An Outline ofJapanese Economic History, 1603–1940: Major Works and Research Findings (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1979), 99–100.

Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 10, 29; Howard F. Cline, “The Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan,” in Lewis Hanke, ed., History of Latin American Civilization, vol. 2 (London: Methuen, 1969), 137; Johnson, “Technology,” 259; Thomas J. Bassett, The Peasant Cotton Revolution in West Africa: Cote d’Ivoire, 1880–1995 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 33; James Forbes, Oriental Memoirs: A Narrative of Seventeen Years Residence in India, vol. 2 (London: Richard Bentley, 1834), 34; Moritz Schanz, “Die Baumwolle in Russisch-Asien,” Beihefte zum Tropenpflanzer 15 (1914): 2; о Корее см.: Tozaburo Tsukida, Kankoku ni okeru mensaku chosa (Tokyo: No-shomu sho noji shikenjyo, 1905), 1–3, 76–83.

Oppel, Die Baumwolle, 201; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 241; Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 120; Sundstrom, Trade of Guinea, 147; Curtin, Economic Change, 50, 212; Brown, Cotton, 8; Reid, Southeast Asia, 93; Gilroy, History ofSilk, 339; Carla M. Sinopoli, The Political Economy of Craft Production: Crafting Empire in South India, c. 1350–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 185; A. Campbell, “Notes on the State of the Arts of Cotton Spinning, Weaving, Printing and Dyeing in Nepal,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Calcutta) 5 (January to December 1836): 222.

Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 115, 116, 120, 122, 124; Davison and Harries, “Cotton Weaving,” 182; Oppel, Die Baumwolle, 209; Prescott, Conquest of Peru, 51; Gilroy, History of Silk, 339, 343; Curtin, Economic Change, 213; Kent, Prehistoric Textiles, 35; Kent, Pueblo Indian, 28; Reid, Southeast Asia, 93; Sundstrom, Trade of Guinea, 148–49; Lamb and Holmes, Nigerian Weaving, 10–11; Johnson, “Technology,” 261.

Reid, Southeast Asia, 94.

Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 242, 259; Mote and Twitchett, Ming Dynasty, 507, 690ff.; K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Waltnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 71; Wiens, “Cotton Textile,” 520; Sinopoli, Political Economy, 177.

Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 242; Bray, “Textile Production,” 119; Sundstrom, Trade of Guinea, 162; Curtin, Economic Change, 212; Davison and Harries, “Cotton Weaving,” 187; Johnson, “Cloth as Money,” 193–202; Reid, Southeast Asia, 90; Sundstrom, Trade of Guinea, 164; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 9.

Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 356; Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels, 46, 59; Philiponeau, Coton et l’Islam, 25; Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean Trade, 1300–1800,” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press 2009), 161–79; важность удаленности торговцев от государств, из которых они происходят, также подчеркивается Gil J. Stein, Rethinking World-Systems: Diasporas, Colonies, and Interaction in Uruk Mesopotamia (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), 173.

См.: Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 115; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 9; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 247ff., 258; Kent, Prehistoric Textiles, 28; Volney H.Jones, “A Summary of Data on Aboriginal Cotton of the Southwest,” University of New Mexico Bulletin, Symposium on Prehistoric Agriculture, vol. 296 (October 15, 1936), 60; Reid, Southeast Asia, 91; Sundstrom, Trade of Guinea, 147; Bassett, Peasant Cotton, 34; Curtin, Economic Change, 212–13; Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600,” in Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 296; Hauser, Economic Institutional Change, 59.

Sundstrom, Trade of Guinea, 156, 157; Ramaswamy, Textiles, 25, 70–72; Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 55; Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 352; Mann, Cotton Trade, 2–3, 23; Smith and Cothren, Cotton, 68–69; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 24, 76; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1639; Gilroy, History ofSilk, 321; John Peter Wild and Felicity Wild, “Rome and India: Early Indian Cotton Textiles from Berenike, Red Sea Coast of Egypt,” in Ruth Barnes, ed., Textiles in Indian Ocean Societies (New York: Routledge, 2005), 11–16; Surendra Gopal, Commerce and Crafts in Gujarat, 16th and 17th Centuries: A Study in the Impact of European Expansion on Precapitalist Economy (New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1975), 3; цит. по: Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 355, см. также: 350, 354, 355; см.: Eliyahu Ashtor, “The Venetian Cotton Trade in Syria in the Later Middle Ages,” Studi Medievali, ser. 3, vol. 17 (1976): 690; Suraiya Faroqhi, “Crisis and Change, 1590–1699,” in Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 524; Eugen Wirt, “Aleppo im 19. Jahrhundert,” in Hans Geord Majer, ed., Osmanische Studien zur Wirtschafts-und Sozialgeschichte (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1986), 186–205; Sinopoli, Political Economy, 179.

Crawford, Heritage, 6, 69; Reid, Southeast Asia, 90, 95; quoted in Sinnappah Arasa-ratnam and Aniruddha Ray, Masulipatnam and Cambay: A History of Two Port-Towns, 1500–1800 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1994), 121; некоторые информативные карты по поводу заморской торговли Гуджарата, а также его отечественной торговли в этот период см.: Gopal, Commerce and Crafts, 16, 80, 160; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 9–11; Beverly Lemire, “Revising the Historical Narrative: India, Europe, and the Cotton Trade, c. 1300–1800,” in Riello and Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World, 226.

B. C. Allen, Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers: Dacca (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1912), 106; Sinopoli, Political Economy, 186; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 75; Ramaswamy, Textiles, 44, 53, 55; Wiens, “Cotton Textile,” 522, 528; Yueksel Duman, “Notables, Textiles and Copper in Ottoman Tokat, 1750–1840” (PhD dissertation, Binghamton University, 1998); Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 22; Max Freiherrn von Oppenheim, Der Tell Halaf: Eine neue Kultur im altesten Mesopotamien (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1931), 70; Sundstrom, Trade of Guinea, 147; Lamb and Holmes, Nigerian Weaving, 10; Curtin, Economic Change, 48; Aka, Production, 69; Youssoupha Mbargane Guisse, “Ecrire l’histoire economique des artisans et createurs de l’Afrique de l’Ouest” (presentation, Universite de Dakar, Senegal, December 2011); Hauser, Economic Institutional Change, 20–30.

Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 49, 51, 53; Hameeda Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers: Impact of the Conflict Between the Revenue and Commercial Interests of the East India Company, 1750–1800,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 117. Suraiya Faroqhi, “Notes on the Production of Cotton and Cotton Cloth in Sixteenthand Seventeenth-Century Anatolia,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 267, 268; Inalcik, “Ottoman State,”; Huri Islamoglu-Inan, State and Peasant in the Ottoman Empire: Agrarian Power Relations and Regional Economic Development in Ottoman Anatolia During the Sixteenth Century (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994), 223, 235; Socrates D. Petmezas, “Patterns of Protoindustrialization in the Ottoman Empire: The Case of Eastern Thessaly, ca. 1750–1860,” Journal of European Economic History (1991): 589; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” in Burton Stein and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., Institutions and Economic Change in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 96, 98; S. Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company: The Handloom Industry in Southeastern India, 1750–90,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 87; Bray, “Textile Production,” 127.

Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 349; Angela Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin: Machine and Myth in Antebellum America (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2005), 11–12; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 74–82, 89; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 354–55; John H. A. Munro, Textiles, Towns and Trade: Essays in the Economic History of Late-Medieval England and the Low Countries (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1994), 8, 15; Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, “The Cotton Industry of Northern Italy in the Late Middle Ages, 1150–1450,” Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 274.

Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, Creating Abundance: Biological Innovation and American Agricultural Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 108–9; John Hebron Moore, “Cotton Breeding in the Old South,” Agricultural History 30, no. 3 (July 1956): 95–104; John Hebron Moore, Agriculture in Ante-Bellum Mississippi (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958), 13–36, 97; Lewis Cecil Gray, History ofAgriculture in the Southern United States to 1860, vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933), 689– 90; James Lawrence Watkins, King Cotton: A Historical and Statistical Review, 1790 to 1908 (New York: J. L. Watkins, 1908), 13; Bassett, Peasant Cotton, 33; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 20–21; Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels, 40; Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 75.

Mahatma Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry: Its Past, Present and Future (Calcutta: G. N. Mitra, 1930), 6.

Цит. по: Henry Lee, The Vegetable Lamb of Tartary: A Curious Fable of the Cotton Plant (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington, 1887), 5.

Mann, Cotton Trade, 5; Oppel, Die Baumwolle, 39; см.: экспонаты в Museu Textil i d’Indumentaria, Barcelona, Spain.

То, что крестоносцы играли решающую роль в представлении отрасли хлопкового текстиля в Европе, подтверждается Baumwolle, словарной единицей в Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 1 (Munich: Artemis Verlag, 1980), 1670.

Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire, 1600–1780 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1931), 15; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 263; Ashtor, “Venetian Cotton,” 677.

На протяжении двенадцатого века производство хлопка возникло в таких местах, как южная Франция, Каталония, и, наиболее заметно, в Северной Италии. См.: Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 268; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1643, 1644; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 114.

Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 64, 66, 69; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 271, 273, 276; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1643.

Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 7, 29, 63; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 265.

Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 53; Ashtor, “Venetian Cotton,” 675, 697; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 35; Ashtor, “Venetian Cotton,” 676.

Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 65–66, 74–82; Angela Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin: Machine and Myth in Antebellum America (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2005), 11–12; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 74–82, 89; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 274, 275; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben, 65–66, 37, 63, 67, 114, 115; см.: Karl-Heinz Ludwig, “Spinnen im Mittelalter unter besonderer Berucksichtigung der Arbeiten‚ cum rota,” Technikgeschichte 57 (1990): 78; Eric Broudy, The Book ofLooms: A History of the Handloomfrom Ancient Times to the Present (Hanover, NH: Brown University Press, 1979), 102; Munro, Textiles, 8, 15.

Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, xi, 29.

Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 139, 144, 150, 152; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 282, 284; Von Stromer, Die Grundung, 84–86; Eugen Nubling, Ulms Baumwollweberei im Mittelalter (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1890), 146.

Von Stromer, Die Grundung, 32; Goetz Freiherr von Poelnitz, Die Fugger (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1981); Richard Ehrenberg, Capital and Finance in the Age of the Renaissance: A Study of the Fuggers and Their Connections, trans. H. M. Lucas (New York: Harcourt, 1928).

Von Stromer, Die Grundung, 1, 2, 8, 21, 128, 139, 148; Nubling, Ulms Baumwollwebe-rei, 141; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben, 152.

Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 141; Von Stromer, Die Grundung, 88.

Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 55, 54, 154; Wadsworth and Mann, Cotton Trade, 23; Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 365; Daniel Goffman, “Izmir: From Village to Colonial Port City,” in Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffman, and Bruce Masters, eds., The Ottoman City Between East and West: Aleppo, Izmir, and Istanbul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 79–134.

Nubling, Ulms Baumwollweberei, 166.

Я употребляю здесь термин «сеть» вместо «система» или «мировая система», так как хочу подчеркнуть неослабевающее значение локального распределения общественных, экономических и политических сил в формировании характера связей между различными частями мира. Эта идея возникла у меня под влиянием Gil J. Stein, Rethinking World-Systems: Diasporas, Colonies, and Interaction in Uruk Mesopotamia (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), 171.

Om Prakash, The New Cambridge History ofIndia vol. 2, European Commercial Enterprise in Pre-Colonial India, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 23; Surendra Gopal, Commerce and Crafts in Gujarat, 16th and 17th Centuries: A Study in the Impact ofEuropean Expansion on Precapitalist Economy (New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1975), 10–11, 18, 26, 28, 58.

Celine Cousquer, Nantes: Une capitalefrançaise des Indiennes au XVIIIe siècle (Nantes: Coiffard Editions, 2002), 17.

Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company:” The Handloom Industry in Southeastern India, 1750–90,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 90; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Cº, 1860), 2; Walter R. Cassels, Cotton: An Account of Its Culture in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: Bombay Education Society’s Press, 1862), 77; Beverly Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660–1800 (Oxford: Pasold Research Fund, 1991), 15; Hameeda Hossain, The Company Weavers of Bengal: The East India Company and the Organization of Textile Production in Bengal, 1750–1813 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988), 65; Proceeding, Bombay Castle, November 10, 1776, in Bombay Commercial Proceedings, P/414, 47, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” CEPR Discussion Paper No. 5183, London, Centre for Economic Policy Research, August 2005, Table 3, p. 32; Daniel Defoe and John McVeagh, A Review of the State of the British Nation, vol. 4, 1707–08 (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2006), 606.

См., например: Factory Records, Dacca, 1779, Record Group G 15, col. 21 (1779), in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; John Irwin and P. R. Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History (Ahmedabad, 1966).

K. N. Chaudhuri, “European Trade with India,” in The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. 1, c. 1200–c. 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 405–6; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 92, 94; см., например: Copy of the Petition of Dadabo Monackjee, Contractor for the Investment anno 1779, in Factory Records, G 36 (Surat), 58, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes, 31.

Hameeda Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers: Impact of the Conflict Between the Revenue and Commercial Interests of the East India Company, 1750–1800,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 119, 117; Atul Chandra Pradhan, “British Trade in Cotton Goods and the Decline of the Cotton Industry in Orissa,” in Nihar Ranjan Patnaik, ed., Economic History of Orissa (New Delhi: Indus Publishing Co., 1997), 244; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 90; Shantha Hariharan, Cotton Textiles and Corporate Buyers in Cottonopolis: A Study of Purchases and Prices in Gujarat, 1600–1800 (Delhi: Manak Publications, 2002), 49.

Memorandum of the Method of Providing Cloth at Dacca, 1676, in in Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 26, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

Minutes of the Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle, April 15, 1800, in Minutes of Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle from April 15, 1800 to 31st December 1800, in Bombay Commercial Proceedings, P/414, Box 66, India Office Library, British Library, London; Copy of the Petition of Dadabo Monackjee, 1779, Factory Records Surat, 1780, Box 58, record G 36 (Surat), Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Report of John Taylor on the Cotton Textiles of Dacca, Home Miscellaneous Series, 456, p. 91, India Office Library, British Library, London; Lakshmi Subramanian, Indigenous Capital and Imperial Expansion: Bombay, Surat and the West Coast (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 15.

John Styles, “What Were Cottons for in the Early Industrial Revolution?” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 307–26. Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600,” in Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 354; Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean Trade, 1300–1800,” in Riello and Parthasarasi, The Spinning World, 169; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital, 4.

Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 157.

“Assessing the Slave Trade,” The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, доступ 5 апреля 2013 г., http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces.

David Richardson, “West African Consumption Patterns and Their Influence on the Eighteenth-Century English Slave Trade,” in Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, eds. The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 304; Joseph C. Miller, “Imports at Luanda, Angola 1785–1823,” in G. Liesegang, H. Pasch, and A.Jones, eds. Figuring African Trade: Proceedings of the Symposium on the Quantification and Structure of the Import and Export and Long- Distance Trade in Africa 1800–1913 (Berlin, 1986), 164, 192; George Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves: Akan Consumption Patterns in the 1770s,” Journal ofAfrican History 28, no. 3 (January 1, 1987): 378–80.

Harry Hamilton Johnston, The Kilima-Njaro Expedition: A Record of Scientific Exploration in Eastern Equatorial Africa (London, 1886), 45; цит. по: Jeremy Prestholdt, “On the Global Repercussions of East African Consumerism,” American Historical Review 109, no. 3 (June 1, 2004): 761, 765; Robert Harms, The Diligent: A Voyage Through the Worlds of the Slave Trade (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 81; Miles to Shoolbred, 25 July 1779, T70/1483, Public Records Office, London, цит. по: Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves,” 388.

См. также: Carl Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit: The English Financial Revolution, 1620–1720 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011); Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth ofNations, bk. IV, ch. VII, pt. II, vol. II, Edwin Cannan, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 75.

Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry, 162; Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire, 1600–1780 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1931), 116; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 5; Wolfgang von Stromer, Die Grundung der Baumwollindustrie in Mitteleuropa (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), 28; H. Wescher, “Die Baumwolle im Altertum,” in Ciba-Rundschau 45 (June 1940): 1644–45.

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 11, 15, 19, 21, 72.

18. Ibid., 4, 5, 27, 29, 42, 55, 73. Эта тенденция в европейской сельской местности сначала появилась в обработке шерсти. См.: Herman van der Wee, “The Western European Woolen Industries, 1500–1750,” in David Jenkins, The Cambridge History of Western Textiles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 399.

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 36.

Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 6; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: Fisher, Fisher and Jackson, 1835), 109; Bernard Lepetit, “Frankreich, 1750–1850,” in Wolfram Fischer et al., eds, Handbuch der Europaeischen Wirtschafts-und Sozialgeschichte, vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Klett-Verling fur Wissen und Bildung, 1993), 487.

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 187.

Обзор этой торговли см.: Elena Frangakis-Syrett, “Trade Between the Ottoman Empire and Western Europe: The Case of Izmir in the Eighteenth Century,” New Perspectives on Turkey 2 (1988): 1–18; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 304; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 23. Эллисон ошибочно утверждает, что «приблизительно за двадцать лет до окончания прошлого века ввозимый в Великобританию хлопок почти полностью поступал из Средиземноморья, в основном из Смирны»; см.: Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market (London and Liverpool: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 81. О Салониках см.: Nicolas Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siecle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); Manchester Cotton Supply Association, Cotton Culture in New or Partially Developed Sources of Supply: Report ofProceedings (Manchester: Cotton Supply Association, 1862), 30, Цит. по: Oran Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 161; Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 21. По поводу общего фона см. также: Bruce McGowan, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Strugglefor Land, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 183; Treasury Department, T 70/1515, “Allotment of goods to be sold by the Royal African Company of England,” National Archives of the UK, Kew.

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 186; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1927), 22; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean (New York: Century Co., 1928), 39.

Этот вопрос также подробно разбирается в отношении Османской империи в Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 14; Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siecle, 246.

Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 429–31.

Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 100; K. N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 259; Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 1757–1833 (Calcutta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1978), 5; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” in Burton Stein and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., Institutions and Economic Change in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 89.

Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 85; Diary, Consultation, 18 January 1796, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; важность экономической и политической власти также подчеркивает Mitra, The Cotton Weavers ofBengal, 4; B. C. Allen, Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers: Dacca (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1912), 38–39; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital, 202–3, 332.

K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Roy, Cloth and Commerce, 59.

Commercial Board Minute laid before the Board, Surat, 12 September 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai.

Копия письма Gamut Farmer, President, Surat, to Mr. John Griffith, Esq., Governor in Council Bombay, 12 December 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 86; Board of Trade, Report of Commercial Occurrences, 12 September 1787, in Reports to the Governor General from the Board of Trade, RG 172, Box 393, Home Miscellaneous, India Office Records, British Library, London; Letter from John Griffith, Bombay Castle to William [illegible], Esq., Chief President, 27 October 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive; Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 121, 125; Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 9; Dispatch, London, 29 May 1799, in Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1014, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” 99–100; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 107, 109; Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 58–59; Chaudhuri, The Trading World ofAsia and the English East India Company, 261.

Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 102, 107; Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 48; Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 124–25.

Bowanny Sankar Mukherjee цит. по: Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 129; по этому пункту см.: Om Prakah, “Textile Manufacturing and Trade Without and with Coercion: The Indian Experience in the Eighteenth Century” (unpublished paper, Global Economic History Network Conference Osaka, December 2004), 26, http://www.lse.ac.uk/economicHistory/Rese-arch/GEHN/GEHNPDF/PrakashGEHN5.pdf; Hossain, The Company Weavers of Bengal, 52; Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in South India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), xiii, 170; Copy of Letter from Board of Directors, London, 20 April, 1795, to our President in Council at Bombay, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, in Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai.

Важность сопротивления также подчеркивал Mitra, The Cotton Weavers ofBengal, 7; важность мобильности подчеркивал Chaudhuri, The Trading World ofAsia and the English East India Company, 252; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 103; см.: Details Regarding Weaving in Bengal, Home Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, India Office Library, British Library, London.

Commercial Board Minute laid before the Board, Surat, 12 September 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; Homes Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. См. также: Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” 94.

Amalendu Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts, 1800–1905: A Quantitative Macro-study,” Calcutta Historical Journal 17 (1989): 41–42; Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 60; Количество работающих ткачей в 1786–87 годах в Дакке и вокруг нее оценивалось в 16 403 человек. Homes Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Diary, Consultation, 18 January 1796, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai.

Dispatch from East India Company, London to Bombay, 22 March 1765, in Dispatches to Bombay, E/4, 997, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London, p. 611.

Report of the Select Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Manufacture of this Country, 1793, Home Miscellaneous Series, 401, p. 1, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 430; Inalcik, “The Ottoman State,” 355.

M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), xvii; парламентские дебаты цит. по: Cassels, Cotton, 1; памфлет процитирован в Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 75; Defoe and McVeagh, A Review of the State of the British Nation, vol. 4, 605–6; Copy of Memorial of the Callicoe Printers to the Lords of the Treasury, Received, May 4, 1779, Treasury Department, T 1, 552, National Archives of the UK, Kew. См.: на ту же тему “The Memorial of the Several Persons whose Names are herunto subscribed on behalf of themselves and other Callico Printers of Great Britain,” received July 1, 1780, at the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T1, 563/72–78, National Archives of the UK, Kew.

Цит. по: S. V. Puntambekar and N. S. Varadachari, Hand-Spinning and Hand-Weaving: An Essay (Ahmedabad: All India Spinners’ Association, 1926), 49, 51ff., 58; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 431–32; Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton, xvii; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 79; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 132; Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton, xvii; Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite, 42; Petition to the Treasury by Robert Gardiner, in Treasury Department, T1, 517/ 100–101, Public Records Office, London; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 128; Letter of Vincent Mathias to the Treasury, 24 July 1767, Treasury Department, T 1, 457, National Archives of the UK, London.

Cousquer, Nantes, 12, 23, 43; Arret du conseil d’etat du roi, 10 Juillet 1785 (Paris: L’Im-primerie Royale, 1785), Andre Zysberg, Les Galeriens: Vies et destiny de 60,000 porcats sur les galeres de France, 1680–1748 (Paris: Sevid, 1987); Marc Vigie, Les Galeriens du Roi, 1661–1715 (Paris: Fayard, 1985).

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 118–19; Examen des effets que doivent produire dans le commerce de France, l’usage et lafabrication des toiles peintes (Paris: Chez la Veuve Delaguette, 1759); Friedrich Wilhelm, King of Prussia, Edict dass von Dato an zu rechnen nach Ablaufacht Monathen in der Chur-Marck Magdeburgischen, Halberstadtschem und Pommern niemand einigen gedruckten oder gemahlten Zitz oder Cattun weiter tragen soll (Berlin: G. Schlechtiger, 1721); Yuksel Duman, Notables, Textiles and Copper in Ottoman Tokat, 1750–1840 (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1998), 144–45.

Legoux de Flaix, Essai historique, geographique et politique sur l’Indoustan, avec le tableau de son commerce, vol. 2 (Paris: Pougin, 1807), 326; Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite, 3–42.

См. также: George Bryan Souza, “Convergence Before Divergence: Global Maritime Economic History and Material Culture,” International Journal of Maritime History 17, 1 (2005): 17–27; Georges Roques, “La maniere de negocier dans les Indes Orientales,” Bibliotheque National, Paris, Fonds Francais 14 614; Paul R. Schwartz, “L’impression sur coton a Ahmedabad (Inde) en 1678,” Bulletin de la Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse, no. 1 (1967): 9–25; Cousquer, Nantes, 18–20; Jean Ryhiner, Traite sur lafabrication et le commerce des toiles peintes, commences en 1766, Archive du Musee de l’Impression sur Etoffes, Mulhouse, France. См. также: 1758 Reflexions sur les avantages de la librefabrication et de l’usage des toiles peintes en France (Geneva: n. p., 1758), Archive du Musee de l’Impression sur Etoffes, Mulhouse, France; M. Delormois, L’art defaire l’indienne a l’instar d’Angleterre, et de composer toutes les couleurs, bon teint, propres a l’indienne (Paris: Charles-Antoine Jambert, 1770); Legoux de Flaix, Essai historique, vol. 2, 165, 331, цит. по: Florence d’Souza, “Legoux de Flaix’s Observations on Indian Technologies Unknown in Europe,” in K. S. Mathew, ed., French in India and Indian Nationalism, vol. 1 (Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1999), 323–24.

Dorte Raaschou, “Un document Danois sur la fabrication des toiles Peintes a Tranquebar, aux Indes, a la fin du XVIII siecle,” in Bulletin de la Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse, no. 4 (1967): 9–21; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 119; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 432; цит. по: Philosophical Magazine 30 (1808): 259; цит. по: Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 4. См. также: S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 12; Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 126.

Cotton Goods Manufacturers, Petition to the Lords Commissioner of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T 1, 676/30, Public Record Office, London; Dispatch, November 21, 1787, Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1004, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 16.

Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 262; Irwin and Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History, 12. Мы знаем, что на протяжении XVIII столетия рабы были самым важным «экспортом» из Африки, составляя от 80 до 90 % от всей торговли. J. S. Hogendorn and H. A. Gemery, “The ‘Hidden Half ’ of the Anglo-African Trade in the Eighteenth Century: The Significance of Marion Johnson’s Statistical Research,” in David Henige and T. C. McCaskie, eds., West African Economic and Social History: Studies in Memory of Marion Johnson (Madison: African Studies Program, University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 90; Extract Letter, East India Company, Commercial Department, London, to Bombay, May 4, 1791, in Home Miss. 374, India Office, Oriental and India Office Records, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes, 32; de Flain is quoted in Richard Roberts, “West Africa and the Pondicherry Textile Industry,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 142.

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 116, 127, 147; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 434–35; 448; Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth ofNations, bk. IV, ch. I, vol. I, 470.

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 131; цитируется там же, 122, 151, 154; Extract Letter to Bombay, Commercial Department, May 4th, 1791, in Home Miscellaneous 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1947), 277; George Unwin, в предисловии к George W. Daniels, The Early English Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1920), xxx. Это блестяще изображено в Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002. Однако в их описании отсутствует упоминание о сохраняющейся важности институтов военного капитализма в других частях света, за пределами европейского ядра.

См.: важную работу Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, esp. 223–25; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 478–79; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 191.

Цит. по: Peter Spencer, Samuel Greg, 1758–1834 (Styal, Cheshire, UK: Quarry Bank Mill, 1989).

См., например: Kevin H. O’Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, “After Columbus: Explaining Europe’s Overseas Trade Boom, 1500–1800,” Journal of Economic History 62 (2002): 417–56; Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez, “Path Dependence, Time Lags and the Birth of Globalization: A Critique of O’Rourke and Williamson,” European Review of Economic History 8 (2004): 81–108; Janet Abu-Lughod, The World System in the Thirteenth Century: Dead-End or Precursor? (Washington, DC: American Historical Association, 1993); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). Я согласен с Joseph E. Inikori, который рассуждает о важности «интегрированного производства товаров по всему земному шару» для истории глобализации. См.: Joseph E. Inikori, “Africa and the Globalization Process: Western Africa, 1450–1850,” Journal of Global History (2007): 63–86.

Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 20.

Anthony Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1830–1860 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 41; Michael James, From Smuggling to Cotton Kings: The Greg Story (Cirencester, UK: Memoirs, 2010), 4, 8–9, 37–40; Mary B. Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill: The Rise and Decline of a Family Firm, 1750–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 5.

Caitlin C. Rosenthal, “Slavery’s Scientific Management: Accounting for Mastery,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming, 2015). Хорошее рассуждение о важности рабства для индустриализации можно найти также в Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011), 104–107.

Важность атлантической торговли для «великого расхождения» также подчеркивал Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002, esp. 4; Глубина вовлеченности британского общества в рабовладение и значение извлекаемых из него материальных выгод показаны в Nicholas Draper, The Price ofEmancipation: Slave-Ownership, Compensation and British Society at the End of Slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill, 15–16, 20. Он в самом деле был ответственным, как утверждала его биограф Мэри Б. Роуз, за растущий спрос на ткани – спрос, который он знал непосредственно. См.: Mary B. Rose, “The Role of the Family in Providing Capital and Managerial Talent in Samuel Greg and Company, 1784–1840,” Business History 19, no. 1 (1977): 37–53.

James, From Smuggling to Cotton Kings, 21. Для преобразования: Eric Nye, “Pounds Sterling to Dollars: Historical Conversion of Currency,” University of Wyoming, http://uwacadweb.uwyo.edu/numimage/currency.htm. Действительно, между 1801 и 1804 годами 59 % производства Грега шло в США; см.: Rose, The Gregs ofQuarry Bank Mill, 24, 28, 30 33. По поводу процентов по облигациям см.: David Stasavage, Public Debt and the Birth of the Democratic State: France and Great Britain, 1688–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 96.

См.: David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technical Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty ofNations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin Press, 2011); Ниал Фергюсон, Цивилизация. Чем Запад отличается от остального мира (Москва: АСТ, 2014); Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 1998); Джаред Даймонд, Ружья, микробы и сталь. Судьбы человеческих обществ (Москва: АСТ, 2009). Обзор см. также: Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), chapter 2.

M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), v; Angus Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2001), 27. Даже те, кто, как Николас Крафт, подчеркивает медленность ускорения экономического роста в промышленной революции, по-прежнему рассматривают ее как водораздел для быстрого роста общей производительности факторов. See Nicholas Crafts, “The First Industrial Revolution: Resolving the Slow Growth/Rapid Industrialization Paradox,” Journal of the European Economic Association 3, no. 2/3, May 2005, pp. 525–539, here 533. Но см.: Peter Temin, “Two Views of the Industrial Revolution,” Journal of Economic History 57 (March 1997): 63–82, по поводу перерасчета влияния промышленной революции на британскую экономику в целом. Объяснений промышленной революции почти столько же, сколько книг о ней. Хороший обзор см.: Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, chapter 3. Но долгосрочные и медленные культурные и институциональные изменения не могут объяснить достаточно быстрое отклонение Британии от других стран.

Peter Spencer, Samuel Greg, 1758–1834 (Styal: Quarry Bank Mill, 1989), 6

Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1964), 294; Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 1789–1848 (London: Abacus, 1977), 49; Эрик Хобсбаум, Век революций (Ростов-на-Дону: Феникс, 1999), 77; Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill, 7; Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” CEPR Discussion Paper No. 5183, London, Centre for Economic Policy Research, August 2005, 7.

Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 27. Роберт Аллен справедливо подчеркивал важность спроса для более эффективной механизации в качестве основной движущей силы промышленной революции. Однако спрос на машины в конечном счете происходил от существования обширных рынков товаров из хлопка и способности британских капиталистов обслуживать их. См.: Robert C. Allen, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 137; Роберт Аллен, Британская промышленная революция в глобальной картине мира (Москва: Издательство Института Гайдара, 2014), 198.

Лучшее изложение этой мысли можно найти в Allen, The British Industrial Revolution; Аллен, Британская промышленная революция; см. также: Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence”; K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 74; Friedrich Hassler, Vom Spinnen und Weben (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1952), 7.

Almut Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben: Entwicklung von Technik und Arbeit im Textilge-werbe (Reinbeck: Rowohlt, 1981), 25, 201.

Mike Williams and D. A. Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester (Preston, UK: Carnegie, 1992), 9.

S. & W. Salte to Samuel Oldknow, November 5, 1787, Record Group SO/1,265, Old-know Papers, Rylands Library, Manchester.

S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 20; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 23.

Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 353; Price of Mule Yarn from 1796 to 1843 sold by McConnel & Kennedy, Manchester, in McConnel & Kennedy Papers, record group MCK, file 3/3/8, John Rylands Library, Manchester; C. Knick Harley, “Cotton Textile Prices and the Industrial Revolution,” Economic History Review, New Series, 51, no. 1 (February 1998): 59.

Эти цифры являются приблизительными, см.: Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 8, 26; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 22, 29; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 6.

Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 46; Хобсбаум, Век революций, 74; Allen, The British Industrial Revolution, 191; Аллен, Британская промышленная революция, 278; Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism, 269; Salvin Brothers of Castle Eden Co, Durham, to McConnel & Kennedy, Castle Eden, July 22, 1795, Letters, 1795, record group MCK, box 2/1/1, in McConnel & Kennedy Papers, Rylands Library, Manchester.

Patrick O’Brien, “The Geopolitics of a Global Industry: Eurasian Divergence and the Mechanization of Cotton Textile Production in England,” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 360. См. также: Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism, 258.

Например, первой «крупной специально созданной хлопкопрядильной фабрикой» в области большого Манчестера была Shudehill Mill, построенная около 1782 года. Она имела двести футов в длину, тридцать футов в ширину и высоту пять этажей. См.: Williams and Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester, 50; Stanley D. Chapman, The Early Factory Masters: The Transition to the Factory System in the Midlands Textile Industry (Newton Abbot, Devon, UK: David & Charles, 1967), 65.

Williams and Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester, 4–9; Harold Catling, The Spinning Mule (Newton Abbot, Devon, UK: David & Charles, 1970), 150.

Charles Tilly, “Social Change in Modern Europe: The Big Picture,” in Lenard R. Berlanstein, ed., The Industrial Revolution and Work in Nineteenth-Century Europe (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 53.

M. Elvin, “The High-Level Equilibrium Trap: The Causes of the Decline of Invention in the Traditional Chinese Textile Industries,” in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972), 137ff. См. также: Sucheta Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China: Peasants, Technology and the World Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 183; Philip C. C. Huang, The Peasant Family and Rural Development in the Yangzi Delta, 1350–1988 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990), 44.

Это рассуждение см.: у Roy Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits ofEuropean Experience (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997); Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 57.

Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill, 39–40; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 29; William Emerson to McConnel & Kennedy, Belfast, December 8, 1795, in John R. Rylands Library, Manchester.

Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 29, 32; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 9, 11–12.

A. C. Howe, “Oldknow, Samuel (1756–1828),” in C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, eds., Oxford Dictionary ofNational Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); George Unwin, Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights: The Industrial Revolution at Stockport and Marple (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1968), 2, 6, 45, 107, 123, 127, 135, 140.

Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 31, 37–41; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 24, 27; M.J. Daunton, Progress and Poverty: An Economic and Social History of Britain, 1700–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 199; Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism, 268.

Partnership Agreement Between Benjamin Sanford, William Sanford, John Kennedy, and James McConnel, 1791: 1/2; Personal Ledger, 1795–1801: 3/1/1, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John R. Rylands Library, Manchester.

N. F. R. Crafts, British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 22; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben, 26; Allen, The British Industrial Revolution, 182; Аллен, Британская промышленная революция, 266; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1, 51.

Fernand Braudel, Afterthoughts on Material Civilization and Capitalism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977), 109.

Beverly Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660–1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).

Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 335; R. C. Allen and J. L. Weisdorf, “Was There an ‘Industrious Revolution’ Before the Industrial Revolution? An Empirical Exercise for England, c. 1300–1830,” Economic History Review 64, no. 3 (2011): 715–29; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 184, 188, 200; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 5; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 349–50; Общий обзор см.: Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 436, 450; Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 49; Хобсбаум, Век революций, 76.

O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 185; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 349.

Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 1757–1833 (Calcutta: Firm KLM Private Ltd., 1978), 25; John Taylor, Account of the District ofDacca by the Commercial Resident Mr. John Taylor in a Letter to the Board of Trade at Calcutta dated 30th November 1800 with P.S. 2 November 1801 and Inclosures, In Reply to a Letter from the Board dated 6th February 1798 transmitting Copy of the 115th Paragraph ofthe General Letter from the Court of Directors dated 9th May 1797 Inviting the Collection ofMaterialsfor the use of the Company’s Historiographer, Oriental and Indian Office Collection, Home Miscellaneous Series, 456, Box F, pp. 111–12, British Library, London; The Principal Heads of the History and Statistics of the Dacca Division (Calcutta: E. M. Lewis, 1868), 129; Shantha Harihara, Cotton Textiles and Corporate Buyers in Cottonopolis: A Study ofPurchases and Prices in Gujarat, 1600–1800 (Delhi: Manak, 2002), 75; “Extracts from the Reports of the Reporter of External Commerce in Bengal; from the year 1795 to the latest Period for which the same can be made up,” in House of Commons Papers, vol. 8 (1812–13), 23. См. также: Konrad Specker, “Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 179; G. A. Prinsep, Remarks on the External Commerce and Exchanges of Bengal (London: Kingsbury, Parbury, and Allen, 1823), 28; “The East-India and China Trade,” Asiatic Journal and Monthly Registerfor British India and Its Dependencies 28, no. 164 (August 1829): 150.

O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 177–209; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 445, 447–48; Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 266; Кеннет Померанц, Великое расхождение. Китай, Европа и создание современной мировой экономики (Москва: Издательский дом “Дело” РАНХиГС, 2017), 447; Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History ofAfrica and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 263.

О королевском военном флоте см.: O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 189–90. Я согласен здесь с более новой литературой о «великом расхождении», которая акцентирует исключительную важность институтов. Это самым убедительным образом изложено в Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The Origins ofPower, Prosperity, and Poverty (New York: Crown Business, 2012); Дарон Аджемоглу и Джеймс А. Робинсон, Почему одни страны богатые, а другие бедные. Происхождение власти, процветания и нищеты (Москва: АСТ, 2016); однако, по мнению Аджемоглу и Робинсона, эти институты оставались несколько аморфными, и их собственные истории (с их корнями в военном капитализме) остаются неопределенными. На важности институтов также настаивает Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (London: Penguin, 2012) Ниал Фергюсон, Цивилизация. Чем Запад отличается от остального мира (Москва: АСТ, 2014).

См. также увлекательное рассуждение Acemoglu et al., “The Rise of Europe.”

Howe, The Cotton Masters, 90, 94.

Petition of manufacturers of calicoes, muslins and other cotton goods in Glasgow asking for extension of exemption for Auction Duty Act, July 1, 1789 (received), Treasury Department, record group T 1, 676/30, Public Records Office, London.

См.: Allen, The British Industrial Revolution, 5; Аллен, Британская промышленная революция, 17.

Дополню: институты, как отметили многие наблюдатели, от Джеймса Робинсона до Найла Фергюсона, имеют большое значение. Однако проблема состоит в определении этих институтов и источников их появления в конкретном историческом процессе. Институты не являются вопросом «воли» или исторических деятелей; напротив, они возникают в результате взаимного влияния ряда факторов и, самое важное, определенного баланса общественных сил. Как мы увидим в последующих главах, общественная и политическая конфигурация многих частей мира не приводила к такому принятию промышленного капитализма или институтов, которые обычно сопутствуют ему. Отчет французской комиссии цитируется по Henry Brooke Parnell, On Financial Reform, 3rd ed. (London: John Murray, 1832), 84; William J. Ashworth, “The Ghost of Rostow: Science, Culture and the British Industrial Revolution,” History of Science 156 (2008): 261.

Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 321–29.

Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 503–4; William J. Ashworth, Customs and Excise Trade, Production, and Consumption in England, 1640–1845 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 4, 8; O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 206; Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal 61 (July 1835): 455.

Если использовать цифры, представленные Кеннетом Померанцем, которые могут рассматриваться как приблизительная оценка, то конкретное соотношение равно 417: Pomeranz, The Great Divergence, 139, 337; Померанц, Великое расхождение, 247, 553; Kenneth Pomeranz, “Beyond the East-West Binary: Resituating Development Paths in the Eighteenth-Century World,” Journal ofAsian Studies 61, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 569; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 215.

Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 44; Хобсбаум, Век революций, 74; Thomas Ashton to William Rathbone VI, Flowery Fields, January 17, 1837, Record Group RP.IX.1.48–63, Rathbone Papers, University of Liverpool, Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool; английские посетители цитируются в Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), 89; Alexis de Tocqueville, Journeys to England and Ireland, trans. George Lawrence and K. P. Mayer, ed. K.P. Mayer (London: Transaction Publishers, 2003), 107–8; Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, Query XIX.

Dale Tomich, The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories (Binghamton, NY: Fernand Braudel Center, Binghamton University, 2008); Michael Zeuske, “The Second Slavery: Modernity, Mobility, and Identity of Captives in Nineteenth-Century Cuba and the Atlantic World,” in Javier Lavina and Michael Zeuske, eds., The Second Slavery: Mass Slaveries and Modernity in the Americas and in the Atlantic Basin (Berlin, Munster, and New York: LIT Verlag, 2013); Dale Tomich, Rafael Marquese and Ricardo Salles, eds., Frontiers of Slavery (Binghamton: State University of New York Press, forthcoming).

J. De Cordova, The Cultivation of Cotton in Texas: The Advantages ofFree Labour, A Lecture Delivered at the Town Hall, Manchester, on Tuesday, the 28th day of September, 1858, before the Cotton Supply Association (London: J. King & Cº, 1858), 70–71.

A. Moreau de Jonnes, “Travels of a Pound of Cotton,” Asiatic Journal and Monthly Registerfor British India and Its Dependencies 21 (January – June 1826) (London: Kingsbury, Parbury & Allen, 1826), 23.

J. T. Danson, “On the Existing Connection Between American Slavery and the British Cotton Manufacture,” Journal of the Statistical Society ofLondon 20 (March 1857): 7, 19. Такие же рассуждения см.: Elisee Reclus, “Le coton et la crise americaine,” Revue des Deux Mondes 37 (1862): 176, 187. Рассуждения о связи капитализма и рабства также можно найти в Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 321–49; Joseph Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); и Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).

“Cotton, Raw, Quantity Consumed and Manufactured,” in Levi Woodbury, United States Deptartment of the Treasury, Letterfrom the Secretary of the Treasury transmitting Tables and Notes on the Cultivation, Manufacture, and Foreign Trade of Cotton (1836), 40.

О концепции «второго рабства» см.: работу Dale Tomich. О товарном фронтире см.: Jason W. Moore, “Sugar and the Expansion of the Early Modern World-Economy: Commodity Frontiers, Ecological Transformation, and Industrialization,” Review (Fernand Braudel Center) 23, no. 3 (2000): 409–33. См. также: Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011), 22.

О выращивании хлопка во Франции см.: C. P. De Lasteyrie, Du cotonnier et de sa culture (Paris: Bertrand, 1808); Notice sur le coton, sa culture, et sur la posibilite de le cultivar dans le departement de la Gironde, 3rd ed. (Bordeaux: L’Imprimerie de Brossier, 1823); об этих попытках см. также: Morris R. Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World (New Orleans: W. B. Stansbury & Cº, 1884), 48. О попытках выращивать хлопок в Ланкашире см.: John Holt, General View of the Agriculture of the County ofLancaster (London: G. Nicol, 1795), 207.

N. G. Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siecle (Paris: Presses Universi-taires de France, 1956), 67; Bombay Dispatches, IO/E/4, 996, British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, pp. 351, 657; Eliyahu Ashtor, “The Venetian Cotton Trade in Syria in the Later Middle Ages,” Studi Medievali, ser. 3, vol. 17 (1976): 676, 682, 686.

В 1790 г. потребление хлопка в Великобритании составляло 30,6 млн фунтов. Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P.Jackson, 1835), 215, 347, 348; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange, 1886), 49; Joel Mokyr, The Lever ofRiches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 99; Джоэль Мокир, Рычаг богатства. Технологическая креативность и экономический прогресс (Москва: Издательство Института Гайдара, 2014), 145; Bernard Lepetit, “Frankreich, 1750–1850,” in Wolfram Fischer et al., eds, Handbuch der Europaischen Wirtschafts-und Sozialgeschichte, vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1993), 487; Bremer Handelsblatt 2 (1851): 4.

Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 82–83; Michael M. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 1780–1815 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967), 75.

William Edensor, An Address to the Spinners and Manufacturers of Cotton Wool, Upon the Present Situation of the Market (London: The Author, 1792), 15. Недостаток рабочей силы существовал всегда, что означает, что о производстве на плантациях не могло быть и речи. Huri Islamoglu-Inan, “State and Peasants in the Ottoman Empire: A Study of Peasant Economy in North-Central Anatolia During the Sixteenth Century,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 126; Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 11, 236; Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 25–27. О недостатке капитала см.: Donald Quataert, “The Commercialization of Agriculture in Ottoman Turkey, 1800–1914,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 1 (1980): 44–45. О значении политической независимости см.: Sevket Pamuk, The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, 1820–1913 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 53; Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 82–83; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 86.

Report of the Select Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Manufacture of this Country, 1793, Home Miscellaneous Series, 401, Oriental and India Office Collection, British Library, London.

“Objections to the Annexed Plan,” November 10, 1790, Home Miscellaneous Series, 434, Oriental and India Office Collection, British Library, London.

См., например: Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 75, 82–83; Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 28, 84; East-India Company, Reports and Documents Connected with the Proceedings of the East-India Company in Regard to the Culture and Manufacture of Cotton-Wool, Raw Silk, and Indigo in India (London: East-India Company, 1836); Copy of letter by George Smith to Charles Earl Cornwallis, Calcutta, October 26, 1789, in Home Miscellaneous Series, 434, Oriental and India Office Records, British Library, London; Various Copies of Letters Copied into a Book relating to Cotton, 729–54, in Home Miscellaneous Series, 374, India Office Oriental and India Office Collection, British Library, London.

О долгой истории хлопка на Карибах см.: David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change Since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 158–59, 183, 194, 296; Charles Mackenzie, Facts, Relative to the Present State of the British Cotton Colonies and to the Connection of their Interests (Edinburgh: James Clarke, 1811); Daniel McKinnen, A Tour Through the British West Indies, in the Years 1802 and 1803: Giving a Particular Account of the Bahama Islands (London: White, 1804); George F. Tyson Jr., “On the Periphery of the Peripheries: The Cotton Plantations of St. Croix, Danish West Indies, 1735–1815,” Journal of Caribbean History 26, no. 1 (1992): 3, 6–8; “Tableau de Commerce, &c. de St. Domingue,” in Bryan Edwards, An Historical Survey of the Island of Saint Domingo (London: Printed for John Stockdale, 1801), 230–31.

“Report from the Select Committee on the Commercial State of the West India Colonies,” in Great Britain, House of Commons, Sessional Papers, 1807, III (65), pp. 73–78, Цит. по: Lowell J. Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1928), 22; Lowell J. Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean, 1763–1833: A Study in Social and Economic History (New York: Century Co., 1928), 38; M. Placide-Justin, Histoire politique et statistique de l’ile d’Hayti, Saint-Domingue; ecrite sur des documents officiels et des notes communiquees par Sir James Barskett, agent du gouvernement britannique dans les Antilles (Paris: Briere, 1826), 501. О “coton des isles” см.: Robert Levy, Histoire economique de l’industrie cotonniere en Alsace (Paris: F. Alcan, 1912), 56; Nathan Hall to John King, Nassau, May 27, 1800, Box 15, CO 23, Public Record Office, London.

Robert H. Schomburgk, The History of Barbados: Comprising a Geographical and Statistical Description of the Island; a Sketch of the Historical Events Since the Settlement; and an Account ofIts Geology and Natural Productions (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1848), 640; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 79; Selwyn Carrington, “The American Revolution and the British West Indies Economy,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 841–42; Edward N. Rappaport and Jose Fernandez-Partagas, “The Deadliest Atlantic Tropical Cyclones, 1492–1996,” National Hurricane Center, National Weather Service, May 28, 1995, http://www.nhc.noaa.gov/pastdeadly.shtml; Ragatz, Statistics, 15; S. G. Stephens, “Cotton Growing in the West Indies During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” Tropical Agriculture 21 (February 1944): 23–29; Wallace Brown, The Good Americans: The Loyalists in American Revolution (New York: Morrow, 1969), 2; Gail Saunders, Bahamian Loyalists and Their Slaves (London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1983), 37.

“Report from the Select Committee on the Commercial State of the West India Colonies,” in Great Britain, House of Commons, Sessional Papers, 1807, III (65), pp. 73–78, Цит. по: Ragatz, Statistics, 22; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 250; Selwyn H. H. Carrington, The British West Indies During the American Revolution (Dordrecht: Foris, 1988), 31; “An Account of all Cotton Wool of the Growth of the British Empire Imported annually into that part of Great Britain Called England,” Public Record Office, London, UK, Treasury Department, T 64/275. Цифры (общие и детали для 1786 года) с 1781 до 1800 г. из Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 347.

David Eltis, “The Slave Economies of the Caribbean: Structure, Performance, Evolution and Significance,” in Franklin W. Knight, ed., General History of the Caribbean, vol. 3, The Slave Societies of the Caribbean, (London: Unesco Publishing, 1997), 113, Table 3:1. О производстве см.: Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 79. О спросе во Франции и реэкспорте из европейских французских портов см.: Jean Tarrade, Le commerce colonial de la France a lafin de l’Ancien Regime (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1972), 748–49, 753. Я полагаю, что большая часть колониального хлопка, реэкспортированного из Франции, поступала в Великобританию.

В 1790 году на острове было целых 705 хлопковых плантации, в сравнении с 792 сахарными плантациями. Edwards, An Historical Survey, 163–65, 230, 231. О разведении хлопка в Сан-Доминго см. также: Schomburgk, The History of Barbados, 150. Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class, 39, 125; David Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-Rom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Tarrade, Le commerce colonial, 759.

Stefano Fenoaltea, “Slavery and Supervision in Comparative Perspective: A Model,” Journal ofEconomic History 44 (September 1984): 635–68.

Moore, “Sugar,” 412, 428.

Resat Kasaba, “Incorporation of the Ottoman Empire,” Review 10, Supplement (Summer/Fall 1987): 827.

Transactions of the Society Instituted at Londonfor the Encouragement ofArts, Manufactures, and Commerce 1 (London: Dodsley, 1783), 254; Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 28; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 77; Governor Ode to Lord Sydney, Roseau, Dominica, June 13, 1786, in Colonial Office, 71/10, Public Record Office, London; President Lucas to Lord Sydney, Granada, June 9, 1786, Dispatches Granada, Colonial Office, 101/26; Governor D. Parry to Lord Sydney, Barbados, May 31, 1786, Dispatches Barbados, Colonial Office, 28/60, Public Record Office, London; President Brown to Sydney, New Providence, 23 February 1786, in Dispatches Bahamas, Colonial Office 23/15, Public Record Office, London. О давлении производителей также см.: Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 75–76. Govenor Orde to Lord Sydney, Rouseau, Dominica, March 30, 1788, Public Record office, London, UK.

Роль рабовладения в истории капитализма была предметом многих обсуждений и мастерски обобщена Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492–1800 (New York: Verso, 1997), 509–80. См. также: важную статью Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 35–50; Seymour Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery: British Mobilization in Comparative Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 9. Мнение о «втором рабстве» Dale Tomich, The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories (Binghamton, NY: Fernand Braudel Center, Binghamton University, 2008). Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch утверждает, что расширение рабства в Америке также вело ко «второму рабству» в Африке; см.: Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, “African Slaves and Atlantic Metissage: A Periodization 1400–1880,” работа представлена в “2nd Slaveries and the Atlantization of the Americas” colloquium, University of Cologne, July 2012; Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, http://www.slavevoyages.org, доступ 31 января 2013.

Alan H. Adamson, Sugar Without Slaves: The Political Economy of British Guiana, 1838–1904 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), 24; Johannes Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 288.

См., например: Roger Hunt, Observations Upon Brazilian Cotton Wool,for the Information of the Planter and With a View to Its Improvement (London: Steel, 1808), 3; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 28; John C. Branner, Cotton in the Empire ofBrazil: The Antiquity, Methods and Extent ofIts Cultivation; Together with Statistics ofExportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1885), 9, 46; Celso Furtado, The Economic Growth ofBrazil: A Survey from Colonial to Modern Times (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), 97; Caio Prado, The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 171–73, quote on 458; Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development,” (PhD dissertation, university of Washington, 1989), 31; Francisco de Assis Leal Mesquita, “Vida e morte da economia algodoeira do Maranhao, uma analise das relacoes de producao na cultura do algodao, 1850–1890,” (PhD dissertation, Universidade Federal do Maranha, 1987), 50.

Beshara Doumani, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700–1900 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), 99; William Milburn, Oriental Commerce: Containing a Geographical Description of the Principal Places in the East Indies, China, and Japan, With Their Produce, Manufactures, and Trade (London: Black, Parry & Cº, 1813), 281; Mesquita, “Vida e mort,” 63; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 83.

John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, St. James’s Hotel, 5 February 1788, 920 TAR, Box 4, Letter 5 Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Record Office. О торговцах хлопком, владевших плантациями, см.: Sandbach, Tinne & Cº Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool. О торговцах хлопком, торговавших рабами, см.: John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, April 29, 1790, letter 8, 4, 920 TAR, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Annual Profit and Loss Accounts of John Tarleton, 920 TAR, Box 2 and Box 5, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool.

В 1820 году для выращивания хлопка, потребляемого в Британии, требовалось 837 312 акров земли, что заняло бы 7,8 % сельскохозяйственной земли Британии и потребовало бы нанять 198 738 сельскохозяйственных работников. Количество хлопка, потребленного в 1840 году, требовало 3 273 414 акров земли, что заняло бы 29 % сельскохозяйственной земли Британии, и 544 066 сельскохозяйственных работников. Потребление хлопка в 1820 г. (152 829 633 фунтов, по Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 93–4), деленное на урожайность с одного акра в 1820 г. (175 фунтов по Whartenby, “Land and Labor Productivity,” 54). Количество акров, требовавшихся в 1820 г. (873 312 акров) подсчитывалось как доля от сельскохозяйственной земли в 1827 г. (11 143 370 акров). Цифры по сельскохозяйственной земле взяты из Rowland E. Prothero, English Farming Past and Present (New York: Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1972 [1st ed. London, 1917]), [(“Table 2. – 1827”) и Select Committee on Emigration, 1827. Свидетельство Mr. W. Couling. Sessional Papers, 1827, vol. v., p. 361]. Потребление хлопка в 1840 г. (592 488 010 фунтов по Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 94) делилось на урожайность хлопка с одного акра в 1840 г. (181 фунт по Whartenby, “Land and Labor Productivity,” 54). Потребление хлопка в 1860 г. (1 140 599 712 фунтов) делилось на урожайность хлопка с одного акра в 1840 г. в США (181 фунт). И потребление хлопка в 1860 г. делилось на урожайность на одного работника в 1840 г. в США (1089 фунтов) См. также: Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), 276, 315; Кеннет Померанц, Великое расхождение. Китай, Европа и создание современной мировой экономики (Москва: Издательский дом “Дело” РАНХиГС, 2017), 463, 518. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 75. Сопротивление изменениям в европейской сельскохозяйственной системе также подчеркивается Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 326. Рассуждение о «великом расхождении» см. также: David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technical Change and Industrial Development in Western Europefrom 1750 to the Present, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty ofNations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin Press, 2011); Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton & Cº, 1998); Джаред Даймонд, Ружья, микробы и сталь. Судьбы человеческих обществ (Москва: АСТ, 2009). Общий обзор см.: в: Inikori, Africans, chapter 2.

Это также рассматривается в отношении Вест-Индии в Ragatz, Statistics, 10, 370. О важности сахара в качестве конкурента хлопку см.: Imperial Department of Agriculture for the West Indies, Information Relating to Cotton Cultivation in the West Indies (Barbados: Commissioner of Agriculture for the West Indies, 1903). Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 79, 250. Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development,” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 170; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Cº, 1860), 79, 80. 86; DB 176, Sandbach, Tinne & Cº Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool.

Edensor, An Address to the Spinners and Manufacturers of Cotton Wool, 14, 21–3; Franklin, The Present State ofHayti (St. Domingo), with Remarks on Its Agriculture, Commerce, Laws, Religion, Finances, and Population, etc. (London: J. Murray, 1828), 123; Pennsylvania Gazette, June 13, 1792.

John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, September 27, 1792, letter 33, February 4, 1795, letter 75, 4, 920 TAR, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool. См., например: Orhan Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 16; Brian R. Mitchell, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), 490. О росте цен см. также: Stanley Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic Journal 33 (September 1923): 370; Emily A. Rathbone, ed., Records of the Rathbone Family (Edinburgh: R. & R. Clark, 1913), 47; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 88.

Tench Coxe, A Memoir of February, 1817, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Wool Cultivation, the Cotton Trade and the Cotton Manufactories of the United States ofAmerica (Philadelphia: n. p., 1817), 3.

Petition, To the Right Honorable the Lords of His Majesty’s Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, December 8, 1785, in Board of Trade, Public Record Office, London. Другие источники говорят о похожем случае в 1784 г. См., например: Morris R. Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World (New Orleans: W. B. Stansbury & Cº, 1884), 37.

См., например, Ernst von Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft in den Nordamerikanischen Sudstaaten, part 1, Die Sklavenzeit (Leipzig: Verlag von Duncker & Humblot, 1897), 16–17; Jay Treaty, Article XII; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange, 1886), 85; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 45.

Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 14; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 39; George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, February 13, 1789, reproduced in Jared Sparks, The Writings of George Washington vol. 9 (Boston: Russell, Odiorne, and Metcalf & Hilliard, Gray, and Co., 1835), 470; Tench Coxe, A Memoir of February 1817, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Wool Cultivation, the Cotton Trade, and the Cotton Manufactories of the United States of America (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of American Manufactures, 1817), 2; о Коксе в общем см.: James A. B. Scherer, Cotton as a World Power: A Study in the Economic Interpretation ofHistory (New York: F. A. Stokes Co., 1916), 122–23; Tench Coxe, View of the United States ofAmerica (Philadelphia: William Hall, 1794), 20; Michael M. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 1780–1815 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967), 87; Tench Coxe to Robert Livingston, June 10, 1802, in Papers of Tench Coxe, Correspondence and General Papers, June 1802, Film A 201, reel 74, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

“Cotton. Cultivation, manufacture, and foreign trade of. Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,” March 4, 1836 (Washington, DC: Blair & Rives, 1836), 8, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011 159 609.

Joyce Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South in Georgia and South Carolina, 1760–1815,” Journal ofSouthern History 57 (May 1991): 178; Lewis Cecil Gray, History ofAgriculture in the Southern United States to 1860, vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933), 673; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 36, 41; о производстве хлопка и хлопковой ткани в домохозяйствах см. также: Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, 124–25; Ralph Izard to Henry Laurens, Bath, December 20, 1775, как reproduced in Correspondence ofMr. Ralph Izard ofSouth Carolina, From the Year 1774 to 1804; With a Short Memoir (New York: Charles S. Francis & Cº, 1844), 174, см. также: 16, 82, 246, 296, 300, 370, 386, 390.

John Hebron Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom in the Old Southwest: Mississippi, 1770–1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), 77; Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,” 177, 188, 193.

Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 80, 85; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 40. Однако имелось и продолжает существовать значительное несогласие по поводу того, кто первым начал выращивать хлопок. См.: Nichol Turnbull, “The Beginning of Cotton Cultivation in Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 2, no. 1 (March 1917): 39–45; Gray, History of Agriculture, 675–79; S. G. Stephen, “The Origins of Sea Island Cotton,” Agricultural History 50 (1976): 391–99; Trapman, Schmidt & Cº to McConnel & Kennedy, Charleston, January 3, 1824, record group MCK, Box 2/1/30, Letters Received by McConnel & Kennedy, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

“La Rapida Transformacion del Paisaje Viorgen de Guantanamo por lose immigran-tes Franceses (1802–1809),” in Levi Marrero, Cuba: Economia y sociedad, vol. 11, Azucar, ilustracion y conciencia, 1763–1868 (Madrid: Editorial Playor, 1983), 148; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, 4; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 92; Brian Schoen, The Fragile Fabric of Union: Cotton, Federal Politics, and the Global Origins of the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 12.

Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South, 13; Gray, History ofAgriculture, 735.

Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South, 13; on Whitney see Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, 155–67; Stuart W. Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy, 1790–1860: Sources and Readings (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1967), 45; Angela Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin: Machine and Myth in Antebellum America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), как мне кажется, возражает этому мнению неубедительно; David Ramsay, Ramsay’s History ofSouth Carolina, From its First Settlement in 1670 to the Year 1808, vol. 2 (Newberry, SC: W. J. Duffie, 1858), 214.

Stanley Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic Journal 33 (September 1923): 370; Joyce Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,”: 187; здесь она кратко излагает одну такую историю; Gray, History of Agriculture, 685; Lacy K. Ford, “Self- Sufficiency, Cotton, and Economic Development in the South Carolina Upcountry, 1800–1860,” Journal ofEconomic History 45 (June 1985): 261–67.

Цифры из Adam Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South, 1790–1820” (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2000), 20; Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People: Black Migrants in the Age of the American Revolution, 1790–1820,” in Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1983), 149; Peter A. Coclanis and Lacy K. Ford, “The South Carolina Economy Reconstructed and Reconsidered: Structure, Output, and Performance, 1670–1985,” in Winfred B. Moore Jr. et al., Developing Dixie: Modernization in a Traditional Society (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 97; Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People,” 149; Gray, History ofAgriculture, 685.

Farmer’s Register, vol. 1, 490, цит. по: William Chandler Bagley, Soil Exhaustion and the Civil War (Washington, DC: American Council on Public Affairs, 1942), 18–19; Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy, 80–1.

United States, Department of Commerce and Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, Part 1 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975), 518; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 302; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 89, 95; Ramsay, Ramsay’s History of South Carolina, 121.

Tench Coxe, A Memoir of February 1817, 3.

Интереснейшее рассуждение о пограничных территориях см.: John C. Weaver, The Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World, 1650–1900 (Montreal: McGill— Queen’s University Press, 2003), 72–76.

Note by Thomas Baring, Sunday, June 19, in NP 1. A. 4. 13, Northbrook Papers, Baring Brothers, ING Baring Archive, London.

Gray, History ofAgriculture, 686, 901; эта история изложена в Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 155–69; см. также: Daniel H. Usner Jr., American Indians in the Lower Mississippi Valley: Social and Economic Histories (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 83–89; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 7; Lawrence G. Gundersen Jr., “West Tennessee and the Cotton Frontier, 1818–1840,” West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 52 (1998): 25–43; David Hubbard to J. D. Beers, March 7, 1835, in New York and Mississippi Land Company Records, 1835–1889, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison. Выражаю благодарность Ричарду Рабиновичу за то, что он обратил мое внимание на этот источник.

Dewi Ioan Ball and Joy Porter, eds., Competing Voicesfrom Native America (Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood Press, 2009), 85–87.

Интересные подробности этой истории упомянуты в Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 20ff.; Gray, History ofAgriculture, 709; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, 6; John F. Stover, The Routledge Historical Atlas of the American Railroads (New York: Routledge, 1999), 15.

American Cotton Planter 1 (1853): 152; De Bow’s Review 11 (September 1851): 308; см. также: James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Cº, 1860), 53; Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 237.

Charles Mackenzie, Facts, Relative to the Present State of the British Cotton Colonies and to the Connection of their Interests (Edinburgh: James Clarke, 1811), 35; “Cotton. Cultivation, manufacture, and foreign trade of. Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,” March 4, 1836 (Washington: Blair & Rives, 1836), 16, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011 159 609.

Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People,” 143–52; James McMillan, “The Final Victims: The Demography, Atlantic Origins, Merchants, and Nature of the Post-Revolutionary Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783–1810” (PhD dissertation, Duke University, 1999), 40–98; Walter Johnson, “Introduction,” in Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), 6; Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001); Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 59, 84, 314; Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, 151; Michael Tadman, Speculators and Slaves: Masters, Traders, and Slaves in the Old South (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 12.

См.: John H. Moore, “Two Cotton Kingdoms,” Agricultural History 60, no. 4 (Fall 1986): 1–16; цифры из Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South, 27–28; Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 38.

John Brown, Slave Life in Georgia: A Narrative of the Life, Sufferings, and Escape of John Brown, a Fugitive Slave, Now in England: Electronic Edition, ed. Louis Alexis Chamerovzow (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2001), 11, 27, 171–72 http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/jbrown/jbrown.html, исходная публикация 1854 г.; Henry Bibb, Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, an American Slave, Written by Himsefl: Electronic Edition (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2000), 132, http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/bibb/bibb.html.

William Rathbone VI to Rathbone Brothers, 2 February 1849, RP/ XXIV.2.4, File of Correspondence, Letters from William Rathbone VI while in America, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; The Liverpool Chronicle цит. по: Bremer Handelsblatt 93 (1853): 6.

Эта тема целиком излагается в John Casper Branner, Cotton in the Empire of Brazil: The Antiquity, Methods and Extent of Its Cultivation, Together with Statistics of Exportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Goverment Printing Office, 1885), 25–27 и особенно Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 7, 9, 65; Eugene W. Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil: The Case of Bahia during the Empire,” Journal ofInteramerican Studies and World Affairs 15, no. 3 (August 1973): 343; Gray, History ofAgriculture, 694; это важное соображение тщательно исследовано в Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 55; см. также: Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,” 193.

По 400 фунтов в тюке. Цифры взяты из Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, 129.

Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth, 7–10.

Bonnie Martin, “Slavery’s Invisible Engine: Mortgaging Human Property,” Journal of Southern History 76, no. 4 (November 2010), 840–41.

C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 103, 122; О различном происхождении американского хлопка см. также: Whitemarsh B. Seabrook, A Memoir of the Origin, Cultivation and Uses of Cotton (Charleston, SC: Miller & Browne, 1844), 15; John H. Moore, “Cotton Breeding in the Old South,” Agricultural History 30 (1956): 97; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, 35; Gray, History ofAgriculture, 691.

American Cotton Planter 2 (May 1854): 160.

W. E. B. DuBois, The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States ofAmeri-ca (New York: General Books LLC, 2009), 140; Edgar T. Thompson, Plantation Societies, Race Relations, and the South: The Regimentation of Population: Selected Papers of Edgar T. Thompson (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1975), 217; Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, “Slave Productivity on Cotton Production by Gender, Age, Season, and Scale”; www.iga.ucdavis.edu/Research/ all-uc/conferences/spring-2010, доступ 11 июня 2012 г.; Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery,” 36.

Caitlin C. Rosenthal, “Slavery’s Scientific Management: Accounting for Mastery,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History ofAmerican Economic Development, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming, 2015); Frederick Law Olmstead, A Journey in the Back Country (Williamstown, MA: Corner House, 1972), 153–54, исходная публикация 1860 г.; Bill Cooke, “The Denial of Slavery in Management Studies,” Journal of Management Studies 40 (December 2003): 1913. Совсем недавно важность «биологических инноваций» была отражена в Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, “Biological Innovation and Productivity Growth in the Antebellum Cotton Economy,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 14 142, June 2008; Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, Biological Innovation and American Agricultural Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). Убедительный критический разбор также можно найти в Edward Baptist, “The Whipping-Machine” (unpublished paper, Conference on Slavery and Capitalism, Brown and Harvard Universities, March 10, 2011, находится у автора). О важности снижения цен для завоевания господства на рынках см.: Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” Center for Economic Policy Research (April 12, 2005), http://www.cepr.org/meets/wkcn/1/1626/papers/Broadberry.pdf.

См.: по этой теме Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 335; о концепции социального метаболизма см., например: Juan Martinez Alier and Inge Ropke, eds., Recent Developments in Ecological Economics (Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2008); Dale W. Tomich, Through the Prism of Slavery (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004), 61.

Gray, History of Agriculture, 688; Eugene Genovese, “Cotton, Slavery and Soil Exhaustion in the Old South,” Cotton History Review 2 (1961): 3–17; о ценах на рабов см.: Adam Rothman, “The Domestic Slave Trade in America: The Lifeblood of the Southern Slave System,” in Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle, 95; о Клэе см.: Savannah Unit Georgia Writers’ Project, Work Projects Administration in Georgia, “The Plantation of the Royal Vale,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 27 (March 1943): 97–99. Анализ прибыльности рабства см.: Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman, Time on the Cross. The Economics ofAmerican Negro Slavery (Boston: Little Brown & Cº, 1974).

Samuel Dubose and Frederick A. Porcher, A Contribution to the History of the Huguenots ofSouth Carolina (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1887), 19, 21; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 91; Coclanis and Ford, “The South Carolina Economy Reconstructed and Reconsidered,” 97; Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth, 10; Daniel W.Jordan to Emily Jordan, Plymouth, August 3, 1833, in Daniel W.Jordan Papers, Special Collections Department, Perkins Library, Duke University.

Philo-Colonus, A Letter to S. Perceval on the Expediency of Imposing a Duty on Cotton Wool of Foreign Growth, Imported into Great Britain (London: J. Cawthorn, 1812), 9; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1927), 16; Planters’ and Merchants’ Resolution Concerning Import of Cotton Wool from the United States, 1813, in Official Papers of First Earl of Liverpool, Add. Mss. 38 252, f. 78, Manuscript Collections, Liverpool Papers, British Library; John Gladstone, Letters Addressed to the Right Honourable The Earl of Clancarty, President of the Board of Trade, on the Inexpediency of Permitting the Importation of Cotton Woolfrom the United States During the Present War (London: J. M. Richardson, 1813), 7. В одной западной Индии в 1850 г. хлопок выращивался на 4 млн акров, и в других частях Индии хлопком было занято значительно больше земли. В США в 1850 г. под хлопком находилось около 7 млн акров. Amalendu Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India: 1750–1850,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 9 (January 1972): 25.

U.S. Treasury Department Report, 1836, p. 16, цит. по: Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil,” 150; см. также: Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 15. О важности промышленной революции для развития рабовладения в США см. также: Barbara Jeanne Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture: The New South in a Bourgeois World,” in Thavolia Glymph, ed., Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), 77; Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South, 13; Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, 150; The Proceedings of the Agricultural Convention of the State Agricultural Society ofSouth Carolina: From 1839 to 1845— Inclusive (Columbia, SC: Summer & Carroll, 1846), 322; Rohit T. Aggarwala, “Domestic Networks as a Basis for New York City’s Rise to Pre-eminence, 1780–1812” (unpublished paper, представленная на Business History Conference, Le Creusot, France, June 19, 2004), 21; Michael Hovland, “The Cotton Ginnings Reports Program at the Bureau of the Census,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 147; Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy, 2.

Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft, viii; Organization of the Cotton Power: Communication of the President (Macon, GA: Lewis B. Andrews Book and Job Printer, 1858), 7; American Cotton Planter 1 (January 1853): 11.

Экономическая важность местоположения южных плантаций часто опускается историками американского Юга. См.: Immanuel Wallerstein, “American Slavery and the Capitalist World-Economy,” American Journal of Sociology 81 (March 1976): 1208; Francis Carnac Brown, Free Trade and the Cotton Question with Reference to India (London: Effingham Wilson, 1848), 43; Копия Memorial Respecting the Levant Trade to the Right Honourable the Board of Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, воспроизведенная в Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, meeting of February 9, 1825, in M8/2/1, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–27, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; The Proceedings of the Agricultural Convention of the State Agricultural Society of South Carolina, 323.

Letter by [illegible] to “My Dear Sir” (a former president of the Board of Trade), Liverpool, June 16, 1828, in Document f255, Huskisson Papers, Manuscript Collections, British Library, London; “Memorial of the Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures Established by Royal Charter in the City of Glasgow, 15 December 1838,” in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton (Calcutta: G. H. Huttmann, 1839), 6, 8; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope; Or, Remarks Upon our Supply of Cotton (Manchester: J. Clarke, 1844), 13; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 56; Mac Culloch, Цит. по: Bremer Handelsblatt 1 (1851): 5.

A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope, 5; J. G. Collins, An Essay in Favour of the Colonialization of the North and North-West Provinces of India, with Regard to the Question of Increased Cotton Supply and its Bearing on the Slave Trade (London: W. H. Allen & Cº, n. d., c. 1859), 35; John Gunn Collins, Scinde & The Punjab: The Gems ofIndia in Respect to Their Past and Unparalleled Capabilities ofSupplanting the Slave States of America in the Cotton Markets of the World, or, An Appeal to the English Nation on Behafl ofIts Great Cotton Interest, Threatened with Inadequate Supplies of the Raw Material (Manchester: A. Ireland, 1858), 10; эти рассуждения обобщены в Bremer Handelsblatt, August 8, 1857, 281.

Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, Liverpool, October 22, 1835, in HC3.35,2, House Correspondence, ING Baring Archive, London; по этому поводу также см.: Schoen, The Fragile Fabric of Union, 1–10.

A Cotton Spinner, The Safety of Britain and the Suppression of Slavery: A Letter to the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel on the Importance of an Improved Supply of Cotton from India (London: Simpkin, Marshall, 1845), 3, 4; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope, 6; Brown, Free Trade and the Cotton Question, 44; Collins, Scinde & The Punjab, 5; Anonymous, The Cotton Trade of India: Quaere: Can India Not Supply England with Cotton? (London: Spottiswoode, 1839); Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India (London: Harrison & Cº, 1840); John Forbes Royle, Essay on the Productive Resources ofIndia (London: Wm. H. Allen, 1840); Tench Coxe to Robert Livingston, June 10, 1802, in Papers of Tench Coxe, Correspondence and General Papers, June 1802, Film A 201, reel 74, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

См., например, Ministere de la Marine et des Colonies to the Secretaire d’Etat de l’Interieur, Paris, January 27, 1819; Societe d’Encouragement pour l’Industrie Nationale to Secretaire d’Etat de l’Interieur, Paris, October 17, 1821, in F12–2196, “Machine a egrainer le coton,” Archives Nationales, Paris; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope, 15; An Indian Civil Servant, Usurers and Ryots, Being an Answer to the Question “Why Does Not India Produce More Cotton?” (London: Smith, Elder & Cº, 1856); Collins, Scinde & The Punjab, 5; Anonymous, The Cotton Trade ofIndia; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India; Royle, Essay on the Productive Resources of India, 314; J. Chapman, The Cotton and Commerce of India (London: John Chapman, 1851).

См., например, Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India, House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers, 1847–48, vol. IX; The Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1836 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1837), 13; The Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1856 (Manchester: James Collins, 1857), 34; см. также: The Seventeenth Annual Report of the Board ofDirectors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchesterfor the Year 1836 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1838), 17; Резолюция принята на заседании совета директоров Manchester Commercial Association 13 ноября 1845 г., M8, 7/1, Manchester Commercial Association Papers, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester. О дальнейшем давлении см.: копию письма John Peel, Manchester Commercial Association, to the Chairman of the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India Company, Manchester, March 1, 1848, in Home Department, Revenue Branch, October 28, 1849, Nos. 3/4, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Thomas Bazley to Thomas Baring, Manchester, September 9, 1857, in House Correspondence, NP 6.3.1., Thomas Bazley, ING Baring Archive, London.

Arthur W. Silver, Manchester Man and Indian Cotton, 1847–1872 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), 58; “Memorial of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, dated December 1838,” and “Memorial of the Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures Established by Royal Charter in the City of Glasgow, 15 December 1838,” in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton, 6, 8, 10; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 62; Karl Marx, Karl Marx on Colonialism and Modernization (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday, 1968), 100–101.

Silver, Manchester Man and Indian Cotton, 61.

The Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Board ofDirectors, 13, 31–45; см.: The Thirty-Eighth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchesterfor the Year 1858 (Manchester: James Collins, 1859), 14–43; The Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1857 (Manchester: James Collins, 1858), 11–12. О Manchester Cotton Supply Association см.: Cotton Supply Association, Report of an Important Meeting Held at Manchester May 21, 1857 (Manchester: Galt, Kerruish, & Kirby, 1857), 2.

См., например, Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India, House of Commons, iii; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 30 (September – December 1839): 304; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 65; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 17; Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India,” 2.

Silver, Manchester Man and Indian Cotton, 31, 34; Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India,” 5, 33; Frederic Wakeman Jr., “The Canton Trade and the Opium War,” in John K. Fairbank, ed., The Cambridge History of China, vol. 10, part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 171. В середине 1840-х гг. экспорт из Бомбея в Китай составлял около 40 млн фунтов; De Bow’s Review 1 (April 1846), pp. 295–96. См. также: Sucheta Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China: Peasants, Technology and the World Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 105–6.

См.: оценку Calcutta Review: “Bombay Cottons and Indian Railways,” Calcutta Review 26 (June 1850): 331; M. L. Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton (Bombay: East India Cotton Association, 1947), 45–46; См. также: K. L. Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat: A Study of Exotic Seed and Saw Gins, 1800–50,” Indian Historical Review 17, nos. 1–3 (1990–91): 136–51; J. G. Medicott, Cotton Hand-Bookfor Bengal (Calcutta: Savielle & Cranenburgh, 1862), 296; “Cotton in Southern Mahratta Country, Agency for the Purchase of Cotton Established,” Compilation Volume 27/355, 1831, Compilation No. 395, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; Minute by the Vice President, Metcalfe, March 3, 1831, in Revenue Department, Revenue Branch, “A,” July 1831, No. 69/74, Part B, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Home Department, Revenue Branch, G.G. August 1839, No. 1/4, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; цит. по: Silver, Manchester Man and Indian Cotton, 74; о различных прочих мерах, предпринятых компанией для улучшения и повышения экспорта индийского хлопка, см.: Royle, On the Culture and Commerce of Cotton, 86–90.

См., например: Territorial Department, Revenue— Cotton to Thomas Williamson, Secretary to Government, June 21, 1830, in 43/324/1830, Compilations, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; “Abstract of the Replies of Local Authorities to the Board’s Circular of 21st February 1848 Calling for Certain Information Relative to the Cultivation of Cotton in India and Required by the Honourable Court of Directors,” in Home Department, Revenue Branch, December 2, 1848, Nos. 10–18, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; см. также: “Prospects of Cotton Cultivation in the Saugor and Narbadda Territories in the Nizam’s Dominions,” August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, National Archives of India, New Delhi; “Capabilities of the Bombay Presidency for Supplying Cotton in the Event of an Increased Demand from Europe,” March 1, 1850, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Revenue Department, Compilation Volume 6/413, 1832, Compilation No. 62, Cotton Experimental Farm., Guzerat, Maharashtra State Archive; см.: Revenue Department, Compilation Volume 10/478, 1833, Compilation No. 5, Cotton Experimental Farm., Guzerat, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register New Series, 21 (September – December 1836): 220; 22 (January— April 1837): 234; and 38 (1842): 371; Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat”: 137; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 15.

См., например, “Cotton Cultivation Under the Superintendence of the American Cotton Planters in N.W. Provinces, Bombay and Madras,” January 17, 1842, No. 13–17, Revenue Department, Home Department, National Archives of India, W. W. Wood to East India Company, New Orleans, June 10, 1842, New Delhi; John MacFarquhar to East India Company, New Orleans, January 13, 1842, MSS EUR C157. Два письма, датированных 13 января и 10 июня директорам Ост-Индской компании, в: Oriental and India Office Collection, British Library, London; Home Department, Revenue Branch, G. G. August 1839, No. 1/4, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; см. также: Resolution dated September 21, 1841 by the Revenue Branch of the Government of India, Revenue Department, Revenue Branch, 21st September 1840, No. 1/3, National Archives of India; Letter by? to T. H. Maddok, Territorial Department Revenue, Bombay, 10 February 1842, in Revenue and Agriculture Department, Revenue Branch, February 28, 1842, Nos. 2–5, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Medicott, Cotton Hand-Book for Bengal, 305; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register 36 (New Series) (September – December 1841): 343.

Silver, Manchester Man and Indian Cotton, 37–39; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 35 (May – August 1841): 502; Copy of letter from C. W. Martin, Superintendent Cotton Farm in Gujerat, Broach, November 1830 to William Stubbs, Esq., Principal Collector, Surat, in Maharashtra State Archives, Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831; Gibbs, Broach, October 5, 1831, to Thomas Williamson, Esq., Secreatry of Government, in Maharashtra State Archives, Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 39 (1842): 106; letter by? to T. H. Maddok, Territorial Department Revenue, Bombay, 10 February 1842, in Revenue and Agriculture Department, Revenue Branch, February 28, 1842, Nos. 2–5, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commercefor the Year 1846–47 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1847), 5.

Medicott, Cotton Hand-Bookfor Bengal, 320, 322, 323, 331, 340, 352, 366.

Annual Report of the Transactions of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41 (Bombay: Bombay Times and Journal of Commerce Press, 1841), 112–19; Copy of a letter of John Peel, Manchester Commercial Association, to the Chairman of the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India Company, London, March 1, 1848, in Manchester Commercial Association, October 18, 1848, No. 3–4, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 4.

East-India Company, Reports and Documents Connected with the Proceedings of the East-India Company in Regard to the Culture and Manufacture of Cotton-Wool, Raw Silk, and Indigo in India (London: East-India Company, 1836); Reprinted letter of W. W. Bell, Collector’s Office, Dharwar, 10 January 1850 to H. E. Golds-mid, Secretary of Government, Bombay, reproduced in Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1849–50 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1850), 26; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commercefor the Official Year 1840–41, 104.

Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 99; Revenue Department No. 4 of 1839, reproduced in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton, 1, уточнено в Asiatic Society of Bombay Library, Mumbai; Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commercefor the Year 1859/60 (Bombay: Bombay Gazette Press, 1860), xxviii.

Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 70; C. W. Grant, Bombay Cotton and Indian Railways (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longman, 1850), 9.

Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat,”: “Replies to the Queries Proposed by the Government of India, given by Viccajee, Regarding the Cotton Trade in the Nizam’s Country,” Home Department, Revenue Branch, August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, p. 167, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report from Kaira Collector to Revenue Department, Neriad, March 22, 1823, Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 8/60, 1823, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat,” 147, 150; Letter of Chartles Lurh (?), in charge of experimental cotton farm in Dharwar, February 21, 1831, to Thomas Williamson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, in Maharashtra State Archives; См., например, Reportfrom the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India, House of Commons, 5; Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat,” См. также: Letter by J. P. Simson, Secretary to Government, The Warehousekeeper and Commercial Account, Bombay Castle, 18 May 1820, Commercial Department, Compilations Vol. 4, 1821, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

Подробный рассказ о том, как туземные торговцы доставляли хлопок от хлопководов на рынок, см.: Cotton Trade in Bombay, 1811, in Despatches to Bombay, E4/1027, pp. 135–47, Oriental and India Office Collection, British Library, London. См. также: Marika Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community, 1850 to 1880,” in Economy and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1979), 63–196; Marika Vicziany, The Cotton Trade and the Commercial Development of Bombay, 1855–75 (London: University of London Press, 1975), especially 170–71; Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton, 37; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41, 111; Letter from [illegible], Commercial Resident Office, Broach, January 6, 1825, to Gilbert More, Acting Secretary of Government Bombay, in Commercial Department, Compilations Vol. 26, 1825, “Consultation Cotton Investment,” in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Report from Kaira Collector to Revenue Department, Neriad, March 22, 1823, in Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 8/60, 1823, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1846–47 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1847), 7; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 4; Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commercefor the Year 1849–50 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1850), 7; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41, 110–11; Captain M. Taylor to Colonel Low, Reports on District of Sharapoor, Sharapoor, June 23, 1848, in “Prospects of Cotton Cultivation in the Saugor and Narbadda Territories in the Nizam’s Dominions,” August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India, House of Commons, v.

Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41, 104, 107; Copy of letter from C. W. Martin, Superintendent Cotton Farm in Gujerat, Broach, November 1830 to William Stubbs, Esq., Principal Collector, Surat, Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, in Maharahstra State Archives, Mumbai. См. также: Martin to Stubbs, 1st October 1831, Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

Peely, Acting Commercial Resident, Northern Factories, 21 July 1831, to Charles Norris, Esq., Civil Secretary to Government, Bombay, Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, in Maharashtra State Archives; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 13; Letter by H. A. Harrison, 1st Assistant Collector, Ootacmund, October 14, 1832 to L. R. Reid, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, Compilations Vol. 7/412, 1832, in Maharashtra State Archives; “Cotton Farms, Proceedings respecting the formation of _____ in the Vicinity of Jails,” Compilation No. 118, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Copy of letter of T. H. Balier (?), Collector, Dharwar, 19th August 1825 to William Chaplin, Esq., Commissioner, Poona, in Commercial Department, Compilations Volume 26, 1835, “Consultation Cotton Investment,” in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; длинное рассуждение о рабстве в Индии см.: в: Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 15 (September – December 1834): 81–90; Factory Records, Dacca, G 15, 21 (1779), Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

Coy of letter from J. Dunbar, Commissioner? of Dacca, to Sudder, Board of Revenue, September 27, 1848, in Home Department, Revenue Branch, December 2, 1848, Nos. 10–18, in National Archives of India, New Delhi.

E. R.J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 12. George R. Gliddon, A Memoir on the Cotton of Egypt (London: James Madden & Cº, 1841), 11.

Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 28–29, 32, 47; Gliddon, A Memoir on the Cotton ofEgypt; “Commerce of Egypt,” in Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 8 (January 1843): 22; John Bowring, “Report on Egypt and Candia,” in Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, 1840, vol. XXI, 19; Christos Hadziiossifm, “La Colonie Grecque en Egypte, 1833–1836” (PhD dissertation, Sorbonne, 1980), 111; John Bowring, “Report on Egypt and Candia (1840),” цит. по: Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 318.

Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 36–37, 40.

“Commerce of Egypt,” 22; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 34; Table 1, “Volume, Value, and Price of Egyptian Cotton Exports, 1821–1837,” 45; Table 5, “Volume, Value, and Price of Egyptian Cotton Exports, 1838–1859,” 73.

Примерно с 1823 до 1840 г. Robert Levy, Histoire economique de l’industrie coton-niere en Alsace: Etude de sociologie descriptive (Paris: F. Alcan, 1912), 58; Copy of a Memorial Respecting the Levant Trade to the Right Honourable the Board of Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, as copied in Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, meeting of February 9, 1825, in M8/2/1, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–27, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; The Proceedings of the Agricultural Convention of the State Agricultural Society of South Carolina, 323.

Bremer Handelsblatt (1853), цит. по: Ludwig Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt: Kleine Bremer Baumwollchronik, 1788–1872 (Bremen: Verlag Franz Leuwer, 1934), 25; Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism,” 327.

Thomas Ellison, A Hand-Book of the Cotton Trade, or, A Glance at the Past History, Present Condition, and the Future Prospects of the Cotton Commerce of the World (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858), 96.

Albert Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China, 1871–1910,” Journal ofEconomic History 30 (June 1970): 340; Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 4–13; Robert Fortune, Three Years’ Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China, Including a Visit to the Tea, Silk, and Cotton Countries, With an Account ofthe Agriculture and Horticulture ofthe Chinese, New Plants, etc. (London: John Murray, 1847), 275; Koh Sung Jae, Stages of Industrial Development in Asia: A Comparative History ofthe Cotton Industry in Japan, India, China and Korea (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966), 28, 38, 45; William B. Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Kinai Cotton Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 59, 117–20; Hameeda Hossain, The Company of Weavers ofBengal: The East India Company and the Organization of Textile Production in Bengal, 1750–1813 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988), 28.

Karen Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery, 1750–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Tench Coxe, An Addition, of December 1818, to the Memoir, of February and August 1817, on the Subject of the Cotton Culture, the Cotton Commerce, and the Cotton Manufacture of the United States, etc. (Philadelphia: n. p., 1818), 3; Dunbar, officiating commissioner of revenue in the Dacca Division in 1844. См.: “Extracts and Abstract of a letter from W. Dunbar, Officiating Commissioner of Revenue in the Dacca Division, to Lord B. of? dated Dacca, May 2, 1844,” in MSS EUR F 78, 44, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collection, British Library, London.

Биографическую информацию о Бёрке см.: National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. 20 (New York: James T. White, 1929), 79. О Баранде см.: “Pedro Sainz de Baranda,” in Enciclopedia Yucatanense, vol. 7 (Ciudad de Mexico, D.F.: Edicion oficial del Gobierno de Yucatan, 1977), 51–67; John L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, vol. 2 (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1843), 329.

См.: например: Ernst von Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft in den Nordamerikanischen Sudstaaten, part 1, Die Sklavenzeit (Leipzig: Verlag von Duncker & Humblot, 1897), 16–17; Jay Treaty, Article XII; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange, 1886), 85; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 45.

Gisela Muller, “Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Wiesentaler Textilindus-trie bis zum Jahre 1945” (PhD dissertation, University of Basel, 1965), 35, 36; Richard Dietsche, “Die industrielle Entwicklung des Wiesentales bis zum Jahre 1870” (PhD dissertation, University of Basel, 1937), 16, 18, 30, 34, 37; Walter Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft im Rahmen der ubrigen Industrien und Wirtschaftszweige (Zurich: Verlag Berichthaus, 1960), 226.

Dietsche, “Die industrielle Entwicklung,” 18, 20, 21, 34, 47, 48, 61, 76; Friedrich Deher, Staufen und der obere Breisgau: Chronik einer Landschaft (Karlsruhe: Verlag G. Braun, 1967), 191–92; Eberhard Gothein, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Schwarzwaldes und der angrenzenden Landschaften (Strassburg: Karl J. Truebner, 1892), 754; Muller, “Die Entstehung und Entwicklung,” 33, 47; Hugo Ott, “Der Schwarzwald: Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung seit dem ausgehenden 18. Jahrhundert,” in Franz Quarthal, ed., Zwischen Schwarzwald und Schwabischer Alb: Das Land am oberen Neckar (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1984), 399.

Arthur L. Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry in France and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1860,” Economic History Review 1, no. 2 (January 1928): 282; Gerhard Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewebe Nordwestdeutschlands und der westlichen Nachbarlander beim Ubergang von der vorindustriellen zurfruhindustriellen Zeit, 1750–1815 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2001), 76; R. M. R. Dehn, The German Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913), 3; J. K.J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization: Cotton in Barcelona, 1728–1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 248; J. Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent During the French Regime,” in F. Crouzet, W. H. Chaloner, and W. M. Stern, eds., Essays in European Economic History, 1789–1914 (London: Edward Arnold, 1969), 18; Georg Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer bezw. sachsischen Baumwollspinnerei von 1789–1879” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1914), 19; Rudolf Forberger, Die industrielle Revolution in Sachsen 1800–1861, Bd. 1, zweiter Halbband: Die Revolution der Produktirkrafte in Sachsen 1800–1830. Ubersichten zur Fabrikentwicklung (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1982), 14; Albert Tanner, “The Cotton Industry of Eastern Switzerland, 1750–1914: From Proto-industry to Factory and Cottage Industry,” Textile History 23, no. 2 (1992): 139; Wolfgang Muller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 144; E. R.J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 23–24.

О заботе британских производителей о таком распространении см.: The Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchesterfor the Year 1836 Made to the Annual General Meeting of the Members, held February 13th 1837 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1837), 13.

Сидней Поллард справедливо подчеркивает, что на данном этапе (до железных дорог) индустриализация была не национальным достижением, а региональным; в Европе существовали индустриальные области (например, Каталония). Sydney Pollard, Peaceful Conquest: The Industrialization ofEurope, 1760–1970 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); см. также: Joel Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 1795–1850 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 26, 28.

Gunter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahr-hundert: Eine historische Modellstudie zur empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Munster, 1973), 30, 41; Francisco Mariano Nipho, Estafeta de Londres (Madrid: n. p., 1770), 44, цит. по: Pierre Vilar, La Catalogne dans l’Espagne moderne: Recherches sur lefondements economiques des structures nationales, vol. 2 (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1962), 10; П.А. Хромов, Экономика России периода промышленного капитализма (Москва: Издательство ВПШ и АОН, 1963), 80; Howard F. Cline, “Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan,” in Lewis Hanke, ed., History of Latin American Civilization, vol. 2 (London: Methuen, 1969), 133; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewebe Nordwestdeutschlands, 153; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 288; B. M. Biucchi, “Switzerland, 1700–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History ofEurope, vol. 4, part 2 (Glasgow: Collins, 1977), 634; Robert Levy, Histoire economique de l’industrie cotonniere en Alsace (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1912), 87, 89; United States Census Bureau, Manufactures of the United States in 1860; Compiledfrom the Original Returns of the Eighth Census under the Direction of the Secretary of the Interior(Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1865), xvii; Ronald Bailey, “The Slave(ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The Textile Industry in New England,” in Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992), 221.

Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 281.

Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent,” 15; Muller, “Die Textilindustrie des Rau-mes,” 33; Max Hamburger, “Standortgeschichte der deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1911), 19; Wallace Daniel, “Entrepreneurship and the Russian Textile Industry: From Peter the Great to Catherine the Great,” Russian Review 54, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–25; Levy, Histoire economique, 1ff.; Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 181–203.

Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewebe Nordwestdeutschlands, 16, 54; Maurice Levy Leboyer, Les banques europeennes et l’industrialisation internationale dans la premiere moitie du XIXe siecle (Paris: [Faculte des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Paris], 1964); Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent,” 16; William L. Blackwell, The Beginnings of Russian Industrialization, 1800–1860 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), 44; М.В. Конотопов, А. А. Котова, С. И. Сметанин и С. И. Сметанина, История отечественной текстильной промышленности (Москва: Легпромбытиздат, 1992), 94, 96. Этот процесс в деталях описан в отношении Эльзаса в Raymond Oberle, “La siecle des lumieres et les debuts de l’industrialisation,” in George Livet and Raymond Oberle, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse des origines a nosjours (Strasbourg: Istra, 1977), 127. Paul Leuilliot, “L’essor economique du XIXe siecle et les transformations de la cite,” in Livet and Oberle, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse, 182.

О концепции протоиндустриализации см.: P. Kriedte, H. Medick, and J. Schlum-bohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization: Rural Industry in the Genesis of Capitalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 17–18; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 13.

Albert Tanner, Spulen, Weben, Sticken: Die Industrialisierung in Appenzell Ausserrhoden (Zurich: Juris Druck, 1982), 8, 19; Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 231; John Bowring, Bericht an das Englische Parlament uber den Handel, die Fabriken und Gewerbe der Schweiz (Zurich: Orell, Fuessli und Compagnie, 1837), 37.

Shepard B. Clough, The Economic History ofModern Italy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964), 62; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 12; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewebe Nordwestdeutschlands, 49. Об obrajes см.: важную работу Richard J. Salvucci, Textiles and Capitalism in Mexico: An Economic History of the Obrajes, 1539–1840 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987); Muller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 34.

Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 18.

Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 279, 339; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 208; Levy, Histoire economique, 1ff., 14–52; Roger Portal, “Muscovite Industrialists: The Cotton Sector, 1861–1914, in Blackwell, ed., Russian Economic Development, 174.

Barbara M. Tucker, Samuel Slater and the Origins of the American Textile Industry, 1790–1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984), 52, 97.

William Holmes to James Holmes, Kingston, March 10, 1813, in Folder 49, John Holmes Papers, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York Public Library, New York.

Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 32; Enciclopedia Yucatanense, vol. 7, 62. О годовой оплате труда квалифицированных рабочих см.: Michael P. Costeloe, The Central Republic in Mexico, 1835–1846: Hombres de Bien in the Age of Santa Anna (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 108. Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 328, 330, 340.

Robert F. Dalzell, Enterprising Elite: The Boston Associates and the World They Made (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 27. Обменное соотношение взято из Patrick Kelly, The Universal Cambist and Commercial Instructor: Being a General Treatise on Exchange, Including Monies, Coins, Weights and Measures ofAll Trading Nations and Their Colonies, vol. 1 (London: Lacking-ton, Allen, and Co. [et al.], 1811), 12; Thomas Dublin, “Rural Putting-Out Work in Early Nineteenth-Century New England: Women and the Transition to Capitalism in the Countryside,” New England Quarterly 64, no. 4 (December 1, 1991): 536–37. См.: анализ рассказов бывших рабов в “Ex-Slave Narratives: Lowell Cloth,” http:// library.uml.edu/clh/All/Lowcl.htm; Pierre Gervais, “The Cotton ‘Factory’ in a Pre-industrial Economy: An Exploration of the Boston Manufacturing Company, 1815–1820” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession, 2003), 3; Peter Temin, “Product Quality and Vertical Integration in the Early Cotton Textile Industry,” Journal ofEconomic History 48, no. 4 (December 1988): 897; Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68, no. 2 (Spring 1994): 45, 49.

Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 335–38; Heinrich Herkner, Die oberelsassi-sche Baumwollindustrie und ihre Arbeiter (Strassburg: K.J. Trubner, 1887), 92; Pierre-Alain Wavre, “Swiss Investments in Italy from the XVIIIth to the XXth Century,” Journal of European Economic History 17, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 86–87; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 7, 117; Muller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 225, 244.

М. Л. Гавлин, Из истории российского предпринимательства: династия Кнопов: Научно-аналитический обзор (Москва: ИНИОН, 1995), 12, 14, 16, 19, 21, 29 и далее, 36; Blackwell, The Beginnings, 241.

Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 388; Paulette Teissonniere-Jestin, “Itineraire social d’une grande famille mulhousienne: Les Schlumberger de 1830 a 1930” (PhD dissertation, University of Limoges, 1982), 129, 149, Bulletin de la Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse 1 (1828); Bulletin de la Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse 2 (1829); Bulletin de la Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse 22 (1832): 113–36; David Allen Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 1830–1945 (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), 49.

Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewebe Nordwestdeutschlands, 67.

Wright Armitage to Enoch Armitage, Dukinfield, April 16, 1817, in Armitage Papers, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York Public Library, New York; См. также: письма 1795 г. в: Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, record group MCK, box 2/1/1; Letterbook, 1805–1810, record group MCK, box 2/2/3; Letterbook, May 1814 to September 1816, record group MCK, box 2/2/5; Consignments Book, 1809–1829, record group MCK, box 3/3/11; Buchanan, Mann & Cº to McConnel & Kennedy, Calcutta, November 3, 1824, record group MCK, box 2/1/30, in Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester; William Radcliffe, Origin of the New System ofManufacture Commonly Called “Power-loom Weaving” and the Purposes for which this System was Invented and Brought into Use (Stockport: J. Lomax, 1828), 131. Анализ всей корреспонденции McConnel & Kennedy за 1825 г. в: McConnel & Kennedy Papers, Record Group MCK/2, Rylands Library, Manchester; D. A. Farnie, John Rylands ofManchester (Manchester: John Rylands University Library of Manchester, 1993), 5, 10, 13. См. также: Memorial Book for John Rylands, 1888, Manchester, Record Group JRL/2/2, Archive of Rylands & Sons Ltd, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

Yarn Delivery Book, 1836–38, record group MCK, box 3/3/12, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester. Stanley Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain: From the Industrial Revolution to World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 62, 69ff., 92, 109, 113, 133, 136, 139, 164, 168, 173, 176; Bill Williams, The Making of Manchester Jewry, 1740–1875 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), 81. Farnie, John Rylands, 4; British Packet and Argentine News, February 9, 1850, August 3, 1850; Vera Blinn Reber, British Mercantile Houses in Buenos Aires, 1810–1880 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 58, 59; Carlos Newland, “Exports and Terms of Trade in Argentina, 1811–1870,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 17, no. 3 (1998): 409–16; D. C. M. Platt, Latin America and British Trade, 1806–1914 (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1972), 15, 39; H. S. Ferns, “Investment and Trade Between Britain and Argentina in the Nineteenth Century,” Economic History Review, New Series, 3, no. 2 (1950): 207, 210; Blankenhagen & Gethen to Hugh Dallas, London, November 18, 1818, file 003/1–1/24, Dallas Papers, in Banco de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Archivo y Museo Historicos, Buenos Aires. См. также: R. F. Alexander to Hugh Dallas, Glasgow, March 19, 1819. Некоторые торговцы также писали Далласу, спрашивая его, не согласится ли он принять от них партии товаров; см., например: Baggott y Par to Hugh Dallas, Liverpool, April 2, 1821, Dallas Papers, file 003/1–1/13; King & Morrison to Hugh Dallas, Glasgow, April 25, 1819, in Blankenhagen & Gethen to Hugh Dallas, London, November 18, 1818.